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MARY'S DOWRY

ENCLOSED CONTEMPLATION


artin Buber (1878-1965), as a young man, assembled contemplative writings into a most beautiful anthology he published in 1909 that he called Ekstatische Konfessionem, Ecstatic Conversations. Into it he poured the spirituality of Hassidic Jews, of Sufi, of the Friends of God, of Julian of Norwich. For in contemplation all religions become one, or, as Julian says in her Middle English 'oned', rather than 'noughting', cancelling each other out. Yet, as we study these contemplatives (not choosing the word 'mystic', too aloof from us), we shall find there is a division. The Torah and the Gospel are rooted and grounded in flesh and blood reality, in the beginning the Word creating all, then becoming flesh and blood, dwelling in our midst, the Incarnation, theology being the love of God and equally of our neighbour. Pseudo-Dionysius (Thomas Aquinas cited him over a thousand times believing he was the Dionysius the Areopagite of Acts), instead, was a Neoplatonist Syrian, who spoke of the 'dark cloud of unknowing' in which God is to be found, as if attaining the Buddhist Nirvana, Pseudo-Dionysius even inventing the word 'hierarchy'. We shall find the Cloud Author, who translated and put Pseudo-Dionysius' negative theology into practice in his contemplative treatises, to be resisted by the likes of Julian of Norwich and Margery Kempe. The struggle is between elitist Plato and democratic Christ; between philosophy and its gender apartheid on the one hand, the Gospel and its inclusion of women on the other. That paradoxical dialectic caused a springtime in the Christian theology of prayer, a rich flowering and harvesting, down the centuries.

The ecstatic conversation amongst these contemplatives transcends space and time and gender and order, in dialogue between Augustinians, Benedictines, Brigittines, Carmelites, Carthusians, Cistercians, Dominicans, Franciscans, Hieronymites and lay people.The contemplative theology they conveyed was not the trauma of 'shock and awe', the sterile and paralysing apartheid of power, but instead the serotonin-enhancing awareness of the humility of the creature in the presence of the greatness, mercy and love, the might, wisdom and love, of the Creator. Amongst them illiterate women such as Umiltà of Faenza, Angela of Foligno, Catherine of Siena, and Margery Kempe could participate equally, dictating their theology to nuns and priests become their disciples, St Catherine even being proclaimed Doctor of the Church and then, with St Birgitta, Patron of Europe. Judaism and the Gospel celebrated littleness, the smallest Hebrew letter, yod, that beginning the names of God, Jesus and Jerusalem, and meaning hand, another letter, kaph, meaning the palm of the hand, while God is born as a baby in poverty in a stable in Bethlehem, dying on a gallows cross as a common criminal. Not only does it involve composing with words, but also their being written into books, such books being inscribed first on parchment, then on paper, first as manuscript, then in print, and bound between covers. The Beguines and the daughters of Nicholas Ferrar at Little Gidding will support themselves by binding such books. It is a tangible concrete linguistic theology where letters are things and also numbers, God creating the world with the Word, in number, weight and measure, 'Amen' being that which is said, which therefore is. It is opposed, as Augustine found, leading to his conversion, to Greek Neoplatonism's abstractions and hierarchies.

We shall find Aelred of Rievaulx, the Ancrene Wisse Author, Richard Rolle, Walter Hilton and the Cloud of Unknowing Author, writing to anchoresses, generally using Pseudo-Dionysius, while the women to whom they write have the example of Scholastica's 'holy disobedience' to her twin brother Benedict, the resulting dialogue of bass and treble voices permitting 'ecstatic conversations'. One such 'ecstatic conversation' is that between Saints Augustine and Monica, another, between Richard Rolle and Margaret Kirkby, another, between Henry Suso and Elsbeth Stägel. In the withdrawal from the world, the stripping away of external things, in these holy conversations, God is found - and shared. This 'cell of self knowledge and of God' was medieval psychiatry, was the soul-healing, rather than killing, was the Gospel, the 'Good News', that gave happiness. In the Gospels, Jesus seeks times of solitude and prayer, then returns to the world to carry out healing. He himself prayed the Psalms and the prophets, such as Isaiah. He taught the Lord's Prayer, which so echoes the Virgin's Magnificat, again bass and treble voices, of gender inclusion. When I was a novice I was told that his 'greatest gifts, apart from himself, are the Psalter and the Lord's Prayer'. Monasteries and anchorholds, for men and for women, created structures for that withdrawal for prayer, but with the concommittant responsibility for the healing of the souls, minds and bodies of all people of all walks of life.

We see, for instance, the illiterate lay woman, Margery Kempe, having read to her contemplative materials concerning Marie d'Oignies, Richard Rolle and Birgitta of Sweden. When the printing press was introduced in England, these contemplative texts were promptly readied for wider publication, with that intent, particularly by Brigittine Syon Abbey, but at the same time came the Reformation, causing texts being readied for type-setting to be blocked, as was the case with the Westminster Manuscript of Julian's Showing of Love, or even whole editions, every single volume, as was the case with Elizabeth Barton's 'Grete Boke', and even Elizabeth Barton OSB herself, destroyed, in her case by hanging at Tyburn in 1534. Similarly, the Bishop of Cambrai had destroyed all known copies of the Beguine Marguerite Porete's Speculum Simplicium Animarium, the Mirror of Simple Souls, then she herself had been burnt at the Sorbonne in 1310. These crucial texts were seen in England as a threat to the State, allied with the Church, first as seeming to be Lollard for permitting women a theological voice, then as Catholic in opposition to the Church of England, while in France, first Jean Gerson, Chancellor of the University of Paris, opposed these texts, particularly those by women, and then they were seen by the State and Church as partaking of the 'Quietist' heresy, finally the atheist French Revolution condemned nuns to the guillotine, seizing their contemplative 'superstitious' writings.

Our first writers followed in Christ's footsteps, both in books, in the Gospel, and in reality, on pilgrimage, re-imagining the events that had taken place at Bethlehem and Jerusalem, the Nativity, the Crucifixion. Later, cloistered women were discouraged from those pilgrimages, only the lay Birgitta of Sweden and Margery Kempe being able to do so, the others imaging them in their cells. We shall find images of pilgrims in Christina of Markyate, Walter Hilton and Augustine Baker. The Pseudo-Dionysian disciples, among them Meister Eckhart and the Cloud of Unknowing author, however, discouraged the nuns' affective imaging of Holy Land events. Convents would become, quite literally at the French Revolution, prisons. Countering their negativity, William Flete, Alfonso of Jaén and Adam Easton, a Norwich Benedictine and the Cardinal who effected Birgitta's canonization, praised women's contemplative writings and laid down rules for their acceptance as prophetic where their visions led to charity, to the love of God and neighbour. These 'ecstatic conversations' on the part of hermits and anchoresses led to great joy, even laughter, as we see in Richard Rolle, John Whiterig, the Cloud of Unknowing author and Julian of Norwich.

We shall first present the contemplatives who were read in England and throughout Latin Christendom, the precursors and models for our own, Augustine with Monica, Jerome with Paula and Eustochium, Arsenius, Boethius, Pseudo-Dionysius, Benedict, Scholastica and Gregory. We shall also present the later influences upon the English contemplatives of Continental Hildegard of Bingen (influenced by Anglo-Saxon Lioba), Marguerite Porete, Angela of Foligno, Mechtild of Hackeborn, the Friends of God, Henry Suso and Jan van Ruusbroec, Birgitta of Sweden and Catherine of Siena, from texts present in English manuscripts. We lack Mechitild of Magdebourg's entry into this tradition until Lucy Menzies' fine translation of her.

In the second part of this book, our truly English contemplatives, Christina of Markyate, Richard Rolle, John Whiterig, William Flete, the Cloud of Unknowing Author, Walter Hilton, Julian of Norwich and Margery Kempe, are presented, giving also their textual transmission in manuscripts written out by Brigittine and Benedictine nuns and recusants. Our touchstone will be the Amherst manuscript in which a Carmelite monk (perhaps Prior Richard Misyn), copies out for Margaret Heslyngton and perhaps, earlier, for a Carmelite anchoress, such as Dame Emma Stapleton, daughter of the Sir Miles Stapleton who is the executor of the Countess of Suffolk's Will leaving Julian of Norwich a legacy, magnificent contemplative texts. It contains writings by Richard Misyn, Richard Rolle, Marguerite Porete, Julian of Norwich, Jan van Ruusbroec, Henry Suso, Birgitta of Sweden, and, in another manuscript by the same scribe, Mechtild of Hackeborn.

The third section discusses English nuns in exile at the Reformation, among them first the Brigittines, then the Benedictines, Dame Margaret Gascoigne, Dame Gertrude More, Dame Catherine Gascoigne, Dame Barbara Constable, Dame Bridget More, Dame Clementia Cary, Dame Agnes More, as they carried out Father Augustine Baker's suggestions for editing and publishing in manuscript and in print the medieval contemplative texts, for treasuring these as their own monastic dowry and for sharing it with the English Mission.

We present these texts in their original languages in sequence (like James Joyce's Birth of Mrs Purefoy's Baby in the 'Oxen of the Sun' chapter to Ulysses, where we are regaled with the nine centuries of the English language, alongside the nine months' gestation of her child) so that this guide may be not only one to contemplation but also be a linguistic study through time, as is Fernand Mossè's most useful Handbook of Middle English.

In an epilogue we see this tradition alive today in the writing about and editing of these texts by Evelyn Underhill and Lucy Menzies, by Father Robert Llewellyn and Revd John Clark, these both Anglican priests, in the careful editorial publishing by Catholic James Hogg of the University of Salzburg, and in the practice of Julian and Ruusbroec's spirituality by Don Divo Barsotti of Settignano, and other labourers in the vineyard. Italian has the word 'intrecciato', meaning things being linked and braided together, being Lucretius' and John Livingston Lowes' 'hooked atoms'. We shall find this here in this anthology, strands being 'Arsenius', or 'pilgrim' or 'treadling', the little white stone with one's name, or the hazelnut in the palm of one's hand, or the whole cosmos shrunk into one ray of light.

An Anglican nun, I was staying at Kilcullen, County Kildare, in Ireland, amongst Catholic nuns, one of whom explained to me that England is 'Mary's Dowry'. I had come to work with Sister Anna Maria Reynolds, C.P., the editor of the extant manuscripts of Julian of Norwich. Together we discussed the opening of the Westminster Cathedral Manuscript of Julian, in which Mary's Advent contemplation, 'O Sapientia', of her as-yet-unborn Child, is mirrored in Julian's contemplation of Mary, and which in turn is mirrored in ourselves reading Julian and thus mirroring her in ourselves and through her, the Virgin and Child. Three times in Luke Mary treasures all these things in her heart. A Carthusian monk enters his cell through an ante-room called the 'Ave Maria', because of the significance of Mary and prayer.

This e-book thus presents an anthology of the contemplative writings, those written out in England, and then in exile from England, being treasured and copied out in turn by generations, across space and time, becoming the 'English Mission' to win back Mary's lost Dowry. Its Italian edition will be presented in parallel text, both in English and in Italian.


Florence

Christmas Day, 2007


Table of Contents

I. The Precursors

A. Helena and Constantine, Monica and Augustine, Jerome, Paula and Eustochium, Arsenius, Boethius, Dionysius the Areopagite, Benedict, Scholastica and Gregory

B. Lioba, Hildegard of Bingen, Marguerite Porete, Angela of Foligno, Mechtild of Hackeborn, Dante Alighieri, the Friends of God, Henry Suso, Jan van Ruusbroec, Birgitta of Sweden, Catherine of Siena

II. Medieval Irish and English Contemplatives

St Patrick's Lorica, 'The Cry of the Deer'

'The Dream of the Rood'

Christina of Markyate, Richard Rolle, John Whiterig, William Flete, Walter Hilton, the Cloud of Unknowing Author, Julian of Norwich, Margery Kempe

III. Their Preservers

A. The Brigittines Orcherd of Syon, Mirroure of Oure Lady

B. The Benedictines: Dames Margaret Gascoigne, Gertrude More, Catherine Gascoigne, Barbara Constable, Clementia Cary, Father Augustine Baker, Serenus Cressy, OSB

Epilogue


I. The Precursors

A. Helena and Constantine, Monica and Augustine, Jerome, Paula and Eustochium, Arsenius, Boethius, Dionysius the Areopagite, Benedict, Scholastica and Gregory

Helena (†327) and Constantine (†337)

et us begin with the Empress Helena, mother of the Emperor Constantine. The official account of her life speaks of her as an Eastern princess, but in Celtic Britain the legends persist that she was a Christian British slave. She became Constantius' concubine and, A.D. 274, Constantine's mother. She was repudiated by the Emperor Constantius in 292, next treated with honour by Constantine when he was proclaimed Emperor, at York, in 302. Christianity was adopted by the Empire in 312. It could well be that his mother, like African Augustine's, had much to do with Constantine's conversion to Christianity. Constantine would establish the seat of Empire not in Rome but in Byzantium, Constantinople, on the shores of the Black Sea. Orthodox art before and after its iconoclastic phase, shows the Madonna and Child dressed in imperial garb, in Roman togas. This iconography doubly refers to Mary and Jesus, Helena and Constantine, palimpsested the one on the other. Both times, when iconoclasm is overturned, it is in turn carried out similarly by Empresses, Irene in 787 and Theodora in 843, as we witness in the British Museum's icon, the 1400 'The Triumph of Orthodoxy', showing the Regent Empress Theodora with her four-year-old son the Emperor Michael presiding at the restoration of the use of icons.


Helena, now Empress, visited the Holy Places, such as Bethlehem, Jerusalem and Sinai, determined where their churches would be built, and she and her son officially established for Christendom the cult of the Cross. However it is likely that the present Mount Sinai is not the true Sinai of Exodus but a mountain Helena decreed by fiat as Mount Sinai and that declaration is taken on faith by pilgrims to this day. Eusebius of Caesaria (260-339), their contemporary, wrote the account of Constantine and Helena's pilgrimages and building programmes in the Holy Places. Eusebius emphasizes Constantine as undertaking the excavations on Golgotha and building the Church of the Holy Sepulchre in 335. Later legend will have this archeology and architecture be Helena's. Eusebius affirms Helena's actions in this area in connection with the Bethlehem cave and basilica and with that on the Mount of Olives. He touchingly describes how she wished, quoting Psalm 132.7, to 'worship at the place whereon his feet have stood.' He also describes how

Greek

Reading between Eusebius' lines we see that Helena, who died at eighty in 327, preceded, with her building programme at Bethlehem and the Mount of Olives, those of Constantine in Jerusalem; Eusebius noting that Constantine's programme there is partly in memory of his mother. Thus Helena, as Christian Empress, could give to later women and men in her own third and fourth centuries and in others, a pattern centered upon poverty and power, piety and pilgrimage. She lived out those words read from Isaiah by Christ in the synagogue at Nazareth.

  

Monica (†387) and Augustine (†430)

ugustine, Aurelius Augustinus, was born in Africa in A.D. 354 at a time when the Roman Empire was crumbling. He grappled with the conflicting beliefs of that uncertain era, coming to reject Neoplatonism and Manicheanism for Christianity, being converted in a garden outside Milan through reading Paul's Epistle. And his mother's tears. He had been a Professor of Rhetoric, of Literature, he now professed Christ, the Word. Edith Stein has written a beautiful dialogue between Ambrose and Augustine in her Three Dialogues. Augustine was baptised by Ambrose in 387. Returning to Africa he became Bishop of Hippo, dying as the Vandals were besieging his beloved cathedral city. In his Confessions he writes his spiritual biography, much as Julian does in her Showing of Love. In it he explains that sin is the tending to non-being, to diverging from God's Creation. In its Book XI Augustine presents a heady discourse upon Time and Eternity, based upon Ambrose's evening hymn.

Latin

Augustine wrote those lines in his homeland, in Africa; but earlier in Milan in Italy he had met Ambrose, then was converted and baptised by him. He had next set forth to journey home with his mother Monica but in Ostia the two of them had a vision together, a vision beyond time and even music, that informs Confessions XI. The two were discussing one night the Kingdom of Heaven.

Latin
In that moment they together touched and were touched by the eternal Wisdom. Shortly thereafter Monica, saying she desired no longer to live in this word, died. Julian, who herself echoed those words, when she came to her Anchorhold, lived across the street from an Augustinian Priory where this saint's works were read and studied. She would have heard the Austin Friars' chanting of Psalms and of Ambrose's 'Deus Creator Omnium'.
 


Jerome (†420), Paula (†404) and Eustochium (†419)

or was Helena the only European woman to visit the Holy Places in Africa and Asia during this period and to write letters describing her experiences. Let us also look at the Roman matron and widow Paula and her virgin daughter Eustochium. Paula and Eustochium wrote an important, joint, and most joy-filled letter to their friend in Rome, Marcella, published as Jerome's Epistola XLVI/46, in which they described their pilgrimage in A.D. 385 to the Holy Places, to Africa, to Israel, before settling down for the rest of their lives with Jerome in Bethlehem, financially supporting him and assisting his labours with translating the Bible from Hebrew and Greek into Latin, the Vulgate text to which Egeria did not have access. We often see paintings of scarlet-clad Cardinal Jerome in his study at his labours, but his womenfolk are forgotten and omitted from those canvesses, except in two, one now in the National Gallery in London, but which was at San Girolamo in Fiesole, which shows the widowed Paula, at her side her most beautiful virgin daughter, Eustochium, and another by Francisco Zurburan and Workshop now in the National Gallery in Washington, and originally painted for the Hieronymite Order founded by Alfonso of Jaén's brother, and to which belonged the famous Sor Juana de la Cruz in Mexico City.

Paula movingly contrasts the wealth of Rome and the poverty of Bethlehem:

Latin

Paula has written a Christian Georgics, a Christian pastoral, though as if through the eyes of Karl Marx, Simone Weil, and Frantz Fanon. These insights into the injustices of privileged wealth bridge time; one can find them in the Prophets and the Gospels, in Horace and Juvenal, in Wyclif and More; but they are especially likely to be perceived by women who stand outside the structures of power, such as Simone Weil, Hannah Arendt, and Nadine Gordimer. Her style is shaped by Cicero and Virgil, Horace and Juvenal; while her social thought is shaped by the Prophets, the Gospels and by Josephus. But in it she has also presented a discussion of the places she and her daughter physically visited in Jerusalem, Bethany, Bethlehem, Nazareth, Galilee, Cana, Tabgha, Capharnaum, Egypt and elsewhere, noting often the meanings of the Hebrew names of places and blending that philological knowledge with theology. Hebrew is a language centered upon the word, even the word for English's 'thing' being what is a spoken word, dabar, with the implication that all creation is God's Word and Adam's naming. Paula and Egeria grasp at that concept and for these women the names of places deeply involve the meaning of those names with the place.(24)

Paula's pilgrimage, like Egeria's, is a mapping out in time and space, using the Bible to understand the lands of the Bible. But Paula adds to Egeria's knowledge of the Bible in its Old Latin translation and her curiosity about Greek and comparative liturgy, her own knowledge not only of classical Latin but also of Greek and the Hebrew she is avidly studying. Helena, Egeria and Paula all use time and space, the book of the Bible and geography of the Holy Land as their Internet upon which to weave a web of links to sanctity, retrieving what is hallowed and hallowing.

Twenty years later, Jerome was to write another letter, his Epistola CVIII/108, praising Paula, and in it recapitulating the description of the pilgrimage that she had made. We learn much about Paula in Jerome's voluminous writings. He tells of her luxurious Roman life, her wealth, and her very great status. She, who had once always dressed in silks, and who had been used to being carried about Rome by her eunuch slaves so that her feet might never touch the ground, who was descended from Agamemnon, and whose husband was descended from Aeneas, had joined Marcella's group of high-born, wealthy Roman ladies, who together attempted to follow a life of monastic severity. Jerome became their teacher, expounding the Scriptures to them. But he quarrelled with Church officials in Rome most bitterly and found it expedient to return to Bethlehem. Paula and her daughter, Eustochium, joined him there, Paula leaving behind the rest of her children weeping on the quay. In the Holy Land Paula studied Hebrew so that she might sing the psalms, the chief early Christian devotional practice, in their original language and assist him in his translation work. She lived for twenty years in Bethlehem, dying there in A.D. 404. Paula and Eustochium's letter to Marcella pleads with their old friend that she leave Rome, called in the letter a 'Babylon,' and come to Jerusalem and its Holy Places. A noted Jerome scholar remarks that this letter is 'written in the name of Paula and her daughter but manifestly by Jerome himself, to Marcella,' then goes on to say, 'It is an idyllic piece, relating spiritual serenity and contentment . . . and stands in striking contrast to the querulous, vituperative note' of Jerome's typical writings. We find other male scholars making the same statements of Heloise's letters, that they are Abelard's, yet that they are in a totally different style than his.

The letter in question is Epistola XLVI. It describes Paula's pilgrimages to all these Holy Places in such a way as to have Marcella participate in their sacred journeying, mentally, and vicariously, in her imagination. Paula and Eustochium begin their letter by stating that, although the Crucifixion may have made Jerusalem an accursed place, there is ample scriptural justification for Christians to return to that holy city. Paula relies not only on the Scriptures and upon her growing knowledge of Hebrew but also upon Cicero for her arguments, describing both St. Paul speaking of his need to return to Jerusalem and Cicero speaking of his need to learn one's Greek not only in Sicily but in Athens, one's Latin not in Lilybaeum but in Rome. She adds, in a capstone to her argument, that Jerusalem is 'our Athens.' She then quotes Virgil's First Eclogue on the great distance of the British Isles from Rome in noting that Christian Gauls and Britons all make haste to come, not to Rome, but to far Jerusalem. Jerome is also fond of this phrase, but states it the opposite way: ' Et de Hierosolymis et de Britannia aequaliter patet aula coelestis: regnum enim dei intra nos est,' Epistola LVIII. Chaucer may have had it in mind with his Wife of Bath, who so often speaks of Jerome. Jerome writes the letter in 404 after Paula's death, giving Paula's vita to her virgin daughter, Eustochium. In contrast to Paula's letter to Marcella, Jerome's account of the pilgrimage Paula made is almost barren of references to classical authors. He does, however, mention the ' fables of the poets', de fabulis Poetarum , in giving the tale of Andromeda chained to a rock, as happening at Joppa, which he notes was also the harbor of the fugitive Jonah. He had earlier cited some lines of the Aeneid concerning the Greek Isles. But, unlike Paula, he does not show off his classical learning. He is here being more Christian than Ciceronian. (We recall his dream in which he is chided, or chides himself, by being told, 'Thou art not a Christian. Thou art a Ciceronian.'  But it is full of descriptions of her great piety and of her deep emotional participation in the past drama of the present places which she visits. He feminizes her. He is writing in her praise as had Valerius in that of Egeria. The letter waxes most sentimental about her parting from her family members, describing her as torn between the love of her children and her love for God.

Jerome in Epistola CVIII/108 notes Paula's deep, affective piety at the Cross and the Sepulchre in Jerusalem, and at the cave and church in Bethlehem, which she had not particularly stressed herself. He amplifies her previous words to Marcella and speaks of her as prostrating herself before the Cross, almost seeing upon it the hanging body of the Lord, as she prays, and as kissing the stones, the one which the angel had rolled away and the one in the Holy Sepulchre on which the Lord had lain. Then he describes her entering into the cave of the Nativity, weeping and as if seeing the Virgin wrapping the Child in swaddling clothes and placing him in the manger between the ox and the ass written of in the Prophets, the Magi adoring him, the star shining above, the Mother nursing the Child, the shepherds coming by night and seeing the Word which was made flesh as John wrote in the beginning of his Gospel:

n principio erat verbum et verbum caro factum est.'

One should note that Jerome, Paula and Eustochium lived in the adjacent cave, which one can still see today, reached by a passage from that of the Nativity, beneath the sanctuary in the Empress Helena's Bethlehem basilica.

Jerome's account in Epistola CVIII/108 ends by saying, and unconsciously echoing Valerius concerning Egeria:

Latin

It is an interesting relationship, that between Paula and Jerome. We should not forget that Chaucer will play upon it when he writes the Wife of Bath's Prologue, in which he has the Wife, in her scarlet garb, visit the same Holy Places as did St. Paula, and has her constantly cite, not classical authors, but St. Jerome, especially his treatise, Adversus Jovinianum, his diatribe against marriage and widowhood, in which he advocates, as he also did in a letter to Paula's daughter Eustochium, perpetual virginity.


Arsenius (†450)

rsenius, born in 354 into Roman Senatorial rank, was selected as imperial tutor to Theodosius' sons, Arcadius and Honorius, arriving in Constantinople in 383, teaching there for eleven years. Agonizing amidst the splendour of the court one day he heard a voice saying, 'Arsenius, flee the company of men, and thou shalt live'. So he left, going to Alexandria and into the desert of Nitria.There he counselled the staying in one's cell for prayer, work and sustenance. It is said of him that at sunset on the Sabbath he would raise his hands in prayer, until the dawn light of Sunday shone upon his face. One brother looked through the window to see Arsenius standing in his cell in prayer, his whole body afire. It is said that because at court he had worn the finest, softest clothes, as a hermit he wore the meanest garb, and that he hid behind a pillar in church so that his white hair and beard not be seen. Similarly he let the water in which he soaked the rushes for basket become rank to compensate for the perfumes to which he had been accustomed. Arsenius would say, 'The monk is a stranger in a foreign land: let him not occupy himself with anything there and he will find rest'. He also said, 'If we seek God he will be revealed to us; if we laid hold on him he will remain with us'. On an occasion a brother said to Abba Arsenius, 'How is it that you who have much learning, both Greek and Latin, ask questions about the thoughts of humble Egyptian villagers'. Arsenius replied, 'With Greek and Latin learning I am acquainted, but I have not yet learned the alphabet of these villagers'. The Sayings of the Holy Fathers gives, 'It is right for a monk to live even as Abba Arsenius lived. Take care each day to stand before God without sin, and draw nigh unto him with tears as did the sinful woman, and pray to God as if he were before you, for he is near and looks carefully upon you'. Once a lawyer came to tell Arsenius he had been left a large sum of money in a will. Arsenius replied, 'I died before he did'. Abba Anthony told his disciples of Abba Arsenius and Abba Moses, that when a monk went to Abba Arsenius concerning the silent life of contemplation, he neither set a table for him nor gave him refreshment. Then he went to the blessed Abba Moses and he both welcomed him and gave him refreshment. Next in a vision he saw Abba Arsenius in a ship with the Spirit of God who was travelling with him. He also saw Abba Moses in a ship filled with angels. Thus it was understood that the life of silent contemplation was exalted above alms and ministrations as was the conduct of Matthew the Evangelist above that of Zacchaus the tax-gatherer. Often cited by our writers in this volume, in the Amherst manuscript, and in the writings of Dame Gertrude More, is his saying, 'That I have spoken I have many times repented, that I held my peace, I have never repented'.


Boethius (†524)

oethius, Anicius Manlius Severinus Boethius, was born about A.D. 480. A Christian, he also knew all the classical and pagan works of philosophy written by Plato and Aristotle, Parmenides and Pythagoras, Cicero and Seneca, and he reconciled these to Christian theology in his own writings. He was a Roman Senator, defending the ancient principles of their Republic, but was thrown into prison by the barbarian Emperor Theodoric where he awaited a most brutal form of execution, ropes to be bound around his head till his eyes burst out and then to be finished off by the bludgeon and the axe, A.D. 524. During that time he wrote The Consolation of Philosophy, which is modeled upon the biblical books of Job and Wisdom and upon the Platonic dialogues about Socrates while he was awaiting execution in Athens. Boethius in this work presents Philosophia as a beautiful woman who consoles Boethius (she is really his wiser self) for his foolish and mawkish self-pitying. She gets him to recover from his depression by telling him of Time and Eternity, Creation and Creator, Man and God, the Circle and the Centre. She is his and our psychiatrist.

His book was treasured up for centuries, only falling out of favour at the Age of Reason. King Alfred translated it into Old English, Jean de Meun translated it into French, Chaucer translated it into Middle English. Queen Elizabeth I translated it into Elizabethan English. Dante, Chaucer and Julian of Norwich all used its concepts and were all deeply influenced by it. Boethius' Consolation is a key to understanding medieval poetry and Christian theology. It is also a 'golden book' as Edward Gibbon called it, that can be of use to disordered souls in our own moment in time.

The work is written in sections, divided between Prose and Poetry. Medieval manuscripts of the text are richly illuminated, presenting Boethius in prison, mourning on his bed, and visited by the Lady Philosophia, and from her Dante derived his consoling figure of Beatrice.

  

Pseudo-Dionysius (†VI century)

hristianity, for centuries, believed that a late fifth-century, early sixth-century theologian was, as he pretended to be, that Dionysius the Areopagite whom Paul converted, along with the woman Damaris, at Athens (Acts 17.22-34). The Neoplatonist Pseudo-Dionysius wrote magnificent treatises, Julian of Norwich quoting from him three times in her Showing of Love. His manuscripts had been given by the Emperor Michael the Stammerer in A.D. 827 to King Louis the Pious. John Scotus translated them in 862, Anastasius, the papal librarian, commenting on the text in 875. Abbot Suger of St Denis (Saint Dionysius) commenced Gothic architecture through using Dionysius' theology in stone, lead and glass.

Gothic Architecture, Norwich Cathedral

But Abelard, while a monk at St Denis, denounced Dionysius's identity as fraudulent. Meanwhile, the Victorines also discovered and used the Dionysian corpus of writings. Cardinal Adam Easton, the brilliant Benedictine of Julian's Norwich, owned the complete works of Pseudo-Dionysius, in a fine thirteenth-century manuscript giving some of the Greek text as well as all the Latin translation, the invocation to the Trinity being most beautifully illuminated with a gold-leafed, intertwined 'T' at folio 108v. That manuscript is today, Cambridge Ii.III.32. Meanwhile, the Cloud of Unknowing Author (but whom I suspect to have been Adam Easton writing to Julian), translated the Mystic Theology into Middle English as Deonise Hid Diuinite for a woman contemplative. To do so he converted the Trinity into an invocation to divine and feminine Wisdom.

Dionysius also, similarly as had Boethius, spoke of God at the centre, 'All the radii of a circle are brought together in the unity of the centre', Adam Easton annotating those lines in his manuscript now at Cambridge.
 
 

Benedict (†547), Scholastica (†before 547) and Gregory (†604)

regory the Great (c. 540-604) wrote an account of the Life and Miracles of St Benedict (c.480-547), casting these in the form of Dialogues between himself and Peter, a fellow monk. In these Dialogues there is a most moving account of Benedict and of his twin sister Scholastica and how she is able to force her brother to break his Rule and stay over night at her convent at Subiaco so that they may converse all night upon God. She prays to God for a storm which he grants. Three days later she dies.

That account is followed by one of Benedict's vision of God as greater than all his Creation. He is standing in prayer at a window of a great tower, apart from his sleeping disciples, when suddenly there is a great light, greater than that of the sun. As he marvels he suddenly sees as it were the whole world collected into one ray of light before his eyes.

Gregory and Peter discuss that vision, Gregory explaining that to the soul who sees the Creator all Creation becomes small, 'animae uidenti creatorem angusta est omnis creatorem'. He goes on to explain that it is not that the world contracts, but that the soul, seeing God, expands above the world, becoming greater than itself. 'Quod autem collectus mundus ante eius oculos dicitur, non caelum et terra contracta est, sed uidentis animus dilatatus, qui, in deo raptus, uidere sine difficultate potuit omne quod infra deum est'. And he further discourses upon the interior light and that of the eyes in this vision. The male abbot has experienced Mary's Magnificat in his prayers. 'My soul doth magnify the Lord'. Smallness become largeness; darkness, light; humility, power.

Gregory's Dialogues was, of course, a staple in Benedictine circles. The lovely dialogue, within the Dialogues, following upon this one of Benedict's vision of God, was of the twin brother and sister, and which is sung antiphonally on the feast day of Benedict and Scholastica by Benedictines, celebrating the breaking of their sacred Rule. And that served to make Benedict's following vision concerning prayer the more memorable.

Christina of Markyate refers to Benedict's vision, where she sees in a flash of light the whole world.

And Julian of Norwich refers to it - and especially in connection with the Virgin at the Annunciation and Nativity,

and with the hazelnut passage,

and then again and again fugally throughout her text.

For Julian, whose anchorhold at St Julian's Church is under the Benedictines of Carrow Priory, who are in turn under the Benedictines of Norwich Cathedral Priory, is seeped in Benedictinism. It is possible that her Benedictinism is taught her by the brilliant Norwich Benedictine Adam Easton. It is even possible that Adam Easton might be her brother, might even be her twin.

B. St Lioba, Hildegard of Bingen, Marguerite Porete, Angela of Foligno, Mechtild of Hackeborn, Dante Alighieri, the Friends of God, Henry Suso, Jan van Ruusbroec, Birgitta of Sweden, Catherine of Siena

n Early Christianity, in Ireland and England, hermits, contemplatives, paralleling those of the Egyptian and Syrian deserts, were known as the Celi Dei , the Friends of God. This name is also frequent in later contemplative movements and writings. At the same time that Julian of Norwich, Walter Hilton and the author of the Cloud of Unknowing were formulating their contemplative texts in England, other mystics were writing on the Continent. As in England, women were present alongside men in this project, this textual community stretching over most of Europe. Meister Eckhart had available to him the writings of Hildegard von Bingen, as had also John Tauler those of Mechtild von Magdebourg, and those of Marguerite Porete. Associated with Meister Eckhart was Agnes of Hungary, with Henry Suso, Elsbeth Stägel, while John Tauler likewise preached to Dominican nuns and Jan van Ruusbroec wrote spiritual treatises to them. That sense of women belonging to the 'Friends of God' (Wisdom 7.27, James 2.23) as well as men may have had its origins in the Christianizing of Germany from England by Anglo-Saxon monks and nuns, influenced by the Celi Dei, and who established double monasteries, St Hilda's Whitby, St Lioba's Bischopsheim and countless others. At first the mysticism, or contemplation, is Benedictine. Then it becomes strongly Dominican. Associated with it are also the women Beguines, such as Margaret Porete and Mechtild of Magdebourg. This booklet traces the lives and works of the God Friends, recognising that three of their texts, Marguerite Porete's Mirror of Simple Souls, Jan van Ruusbroec's Sparkling Stone and an extract of Henry Suso's Horologium Sapientiae, are found together with Julian's Showing of Love in the Amherst Manuscript in the British Library and that these other works may well have been translated for her and thus constituted her Library of Mystics from which she partly drew her inspiration.

Lioba (†781)

t Boniface travelled from England to Germany proselytizing amongst the pagan tribes there and establishing monasteries for both men and women. St Lioba, St Boniface's kinswoman, was a nun in Wessex who had studied under Mother Tetta (in secular life, Cuthberga, sister of the King of Wessex, wife of the King of Northumbria). Boniface sent for Lioba to come to Germany, because she was a skilled Classicist, learned in the Scriptures, the Church Fathers, canon law and the decrees of all the councils. In fact, she was never without a book in her hand, reading at every possible opportunity and she never forgot what she read. Her name 'Lioba' means 'Beloved'. Boniface asked that her bones be laid by his at her death. Charlemagne's wife adored her but Lioba hated the life of court like poison.

Latin

Her life tells, among others, this story: 'She had a dream in which one night she saw a purple thread issuing from her mouth. It seemed to her that when she took hold of it with her hand and tried to draw it out there was no end to it. . . When her hand was full of thread and it still issued from her mouth she rolled it round and round and made a ball of it .' An old and prophetic nun was asked about the meaning of the dream and explained that it referred to Lioba's wise counsels spoken from her heart. 'Furthermore, the ball which she made by rolling it round and round signifies the mystery of the divine teaching, which is set in motion by the words and deeds of those who give instruction and which turns earthwards through active works and heavenwards through contemplation, at one time swinging downwards through compassion for one's neighbour, again swinging upwards through the love of God.'

The image of the ball of purple thread in Lioba's hand is similar to Julian's hazel nut in the palm of her hand.
 

Hildegard of Bingen (†1179)

From the Lucca Manuscript

                                 Deus creavit mundum
                                 non facio illi iniuriam,
                                 sed volo uti illo.

      Hildegard, Ordo Virtutum
ildegard of Bingen, and other women like her, such as Hrotswitha of Gandesheim (A.D. 932-1000) and Herrad of Landesburg, followed in the learned Benedictine tradition established in German-speaking countries from England, such as with St Leoba, which gave women the status of Christian equality with men. Hildegard composed music and wrote treatises on medicine, on Benedict's Rule, a play, many letters, and visionary mystical works which she also illuminated in a manner that is deeply compelling. But, unlike Lioba, she was not a pleasing person. Until the age of forty she kept to her bed. Richardis, her friend and fellow nun, then persuaded her to embark on her career as writer of letters to the leaders of Church and State in her day and to compose her mystical treatises. When Richardis left her to become an abbess at another monastery Hildegard was furious, demanding her return. Richardis, obediently, died. Hildegard ruled her monastery by means of tyrannising over her nuns with her migraines - about which she writes in her medical works and whose effect she illuminates in her mystical treatises. She is an example of a genius who is less than charitable. One admires her work, but not her desire for control. She has significant prophetic messages for us today.

We need to see Hildegard's play, the Ordo Virtutum, in its contexts, first of monastic obedience, then of flesh and blood reality concerning disobedience behind its morality, the tragedy of Hildegard's companion, Richardis von Stade, and lastly the surrounding text in which it first was found, the Scivias, especially the final section, and other writings by Hildegard which enclosed this central drama in her thought and her life. Hildegard's Ordo Virtutum is the celebration of Obedience following upon a period of revolt. It is the story not so much of a prodigal son as of a prodigal daughter.

In real life there was such a prodigal daughter, Richardis von Stade, the much loved fellow nun who had colluded with and nursed Hildegard in her illness of not only the customary migraines but even bouts of blindness and paralysis at the time when she sought to leave Disibodenberg in order to found Rupertsberg. Richardis had encouraged Hildegard in her writing of Scivias, begun in 1141. Perhaps she recognized that this was psychotherapy for her abbess. The partly completed text of Scivias, Bernard's interest in it, and Richardis' family influence enabled Pope Eugenius III to grant papal recognition to Hildegard at the Synod of Trier and also made possible the move to Rupertsberg. At this time the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa had a secret interview concerning prophecy with Hildegard, the Sibyl of the Rhine, at his royal palace at Ingelheim. It is very likely that these clustered actions took place through the influence of Richardis von Stade and her powerful family in their attempt to save Hildegard's life.

Then Adelheid was elected abbess of Gandesheim in 1152, Richardis having been elected abbes of Bassum in 1151. Hildegard had bitterly opposed Richardis' election which would take her way from her, and she ungratefully took the case to her family and to the pope. Adelheid's election was not so disturbing to her. The Archbishop of Bremen, Richardis' brother, have been forced to write to Hildegard to break the news to her of Richardis' sudden death on 29 October 1151. He told her that his sister when dying had stated her intention of returning to Hildegard and Rupertsberg. Hildegard, answering his letter, described Richardis in words that echo and mirror those of the Ordo Virtutum and its surrounding text in the Scivias; there are also echoes of another letter written to a woman who had abandoned being a nun and to whom Hildegard had referred as a prodigal son. In all these writings Hildegard stressing her outrage at women's disobedience, used the Benedictine emphasis upon Ordo, even to the extent of paraphrasing Benedict's Rule, while describing the serpent, the devil, in Virgilian terms borrowed from the Aeneid, Book II, to give vent to her personal emotions.

Perhaps within that rage is Hildegard's envy of Richardis' freedom. Her headaches and invalidism could indicate suppressed fury. She herself tended to recover from serious illness through being disobedient. She had been presented to Disibodenberg as a child of eight, and took her vows of perpetul virginity and obedience very early in life. Obedience, Ordo, is central to her life and art. Yet her writings are full of sexual curiosity and lore, this material granting her writings some of their most powerful images. Yet she disobeyed Disibodenberg in founding St Rupertsberg. Yet she herself would defy St Paul against women preaching, and she would herself preach at Trier - like Mary Magdalen's legendary preaching in Provence. Mary Magdalen being perceived in monasticism as having been the first contemplative, the model for monastic life - though Hildegard oddly compared her love for Richardis to that of Paul for Timothy. Yet she would even, in 1178, when she was eighty, defy the Church concerning the burial of a young nobleman and would face six months of excommunication. Yet her music disobeys, to its glory, the acceptable and expected intervals of Gregorian chant. Not for nothing did Goethe, who knew her work, echo her love of viriditas with his Faustian 'Grey, dear Friend, is all theory,/ And green is life's golden tree'.

In the play, but only in play, not in reality, the Anima/ Richardis returns to Queen Humility/ Abbess Hildegard, the ugly shouted words of the Devil giving way to the chanted symphony of the Virtues and the returned Soul - an alternative and comedic ending to the tragic story. The scenes of the Soul and of the chained Devil are splendidly illuminated in the now lost Scivias codex. It could well be that had it not been for Richardis' disobedience, first to the concept of women's helplessness, then to the concept of her dependency upon another, and finally Richardis' choice of death as freedom from Hildegard's tyranny, the writings, the music and the illuminations we so treasure today could not have come into being. They are like the pearl of great price: they inscribe, chant and illumine the Kingdom of Heaven. Let us now conclude with Hedwig's vision of Hildegard walking in the cloister which she had built, singing her own sequence O virga ac diadema.


Mechtild of Hackeborn (1298)

ertrude of Hackeborn was elected Abbess of Helfta in 1251 at nineteen. Her sister, Mechthild of Hackeborn, like Mechtild of Magdebourg, wrote visionary works. And so did another nun who entered the convent, Gertrude the Great. Their visions are largely based on Bernard and the Song of Songs and filled with eroticism and the Body of Christ, in particular, his Sacred Heart. Julian is to borrow some of that imagery in her Showing of Love for the scene where Christ shows her the wound in his side, as he had earlier shown it to Doubting Thomas, to affirm his love for his Creation. The scribe of her Amherst Short Text Showing of Love also is the scribe of Mechtild of Hackeborn's Book of Ghostly Grace in Middle English. The seventeenth-century English Benedictine nuns in exile  consciously took Helfta as their model, the very young Helen More taking the name in religion of 'Gertrude' with that awareness.


Angela of Foligno
(†1309)

ngela of Foligno, a Franciscan tertiary, who did not really choose to live in a physical cloister or a physical cell, spoke of the fruits of contemplation as being where one's soul becomes a room, a cell, in which one finds the All Good, finds the entire Creation. This account, written down at her dictation by Fra Arnaldo, her confessor and spiritual director, often clandestinely, gives: 'anima mea est una camera . . . est ibi . . . omne bonum'.

She also speaks of this state of welcoming Christ in the Eucharist within the soul with his heavenly host as being both 'thrones' and 'cities', concepts Julian repeats in her own writing, in the First, Long and Short Texts, and in reported discourse in Margery's writing, the Oral Text. Angela will even, in the Instructions, use the same image as had Christina of Markyate, of Christ as Pilgrim, coming to one's soul, one cell of self knowledge. Yet in her Instructions she also claims that she hypocritically enclosed herself in her room in Lent to impress people and win esteem, and that in her cell and her soul the devil lurked. Though following that introduction, not merely of humility, but humiliation, not merely of contempt but vituperation, she then speaks of truth and wisdom seated in her soul, a passage Julian of Norwich will echo: And then in Instruction XIV, she writes to her Franciscan disciples, echoing Arsenius, that 'There are only two things in the world that I find pleasure in speaking about, namely, knowledge of God and self, and remaining continually in one's cell. . . . I believe that anyone who does not know how to stay put and remain in a cell ought not to go anywhere.' In Instruction XXIX, the material crescendoes with an entire Chapter on the Knowledge of God and Oneself, exactly as in Julian's texts: Finally, the Franciscans preparing her Book of Angela of Foligno following her death conclude with noting that the apostles, who preached Christ's life, learned from a woman that he was raised from the dead to life, and that St Jerome had cited the Prophetess Huldah, to whom crowds ran, that the gift of prophecy had been transmitted to the female sex to shame men who are doctors of the Law but who transgress God's commandments. Mechtild of Magdebourg's Flowing Light of the Godhead was similarly defended by Dominican Heinrich von Halle writing of Deborah's practice of solitary contemplation from which to prophesy to the people of Israel and of Huldah's prophecy to the king Josias.

Perhaps Franciscan Angela of Foligno helped shaped Dominican Catherine of Siena's and Benedictine Julian of Norwich's concept of a 'Cell of Self-Knowledge'. Certainly the English Benedictine nuns in exile at Cambrai and Paris were copying out her text as well as Julian's. A small manuscript by them, Bibliothèque Mazarine 1202, titled 'Colections', finished 23 July 1724, on pages 21-22, gives:

And a manuscript at the Bodleian Library, Laud 46, at folios 70 verso and 72 recto, brings together excerpts from Marguerite Porete's Liber speculum animarum simplicium, her Mirror of Simple Souls, and the Libellus de vita et doctrina Angelae de Fulgineo , The Book of Angela of Foligno.

Marguerite Porete (1310)

arguerite Porete, like Mechtild of Magdebourg, was a Beguine. She, too, was influenced by the writings of Pseudo-Dionysius. She wrote her magnum opus, The Mirror of Simple Souls, presenting Pseudo-Dionysius' negative theology as a dialogue between the Soul who sends to a distant Emperor, God, her portrait, and Love and Reason. In the text she states that in such a state of contemplative love of God the soul has no need of masses or prayers or of anything else. She also gives the Pseudo-Dionysian principle of evil as nought, as nothing, as non-existence. First her book was publicly burned by the Bishop of Cambrai at Valenciennes, then she was tried in Paris by the Inquisition and herself burnt at the stake in 1310, the people weeping because of her great learning and goodness. The theology faculty at the Sorbonne had united against her, amongt them Nicholas of Lyra, the converted Jew, whose commentary on the Apocalypse would influence Magister Mathias and through him Birgitta of Sweden. A friend struggled to protect her, calling himself the Angel of Philadelphia, but was forced to recant and burn his habit and belt, living the rest of his life in a monastic prison. Later we hear of Jean Gerson attacking both Marguerite Porete, whom he misnames as Marie of Valenciennes, for 'her incredibly subtle book', and Jan van Ruusbroec. Some copies of her manuscript survived, including three translated into English, one of which is in the same manuscript as is the earliest extant Julian's Showing of Love manuscript in the British Library, the Amherst Manuscript, which is written by a Lincolnshire scribe circa 1435-1450, perhaps earlier, and which emphatically states that this version of Julian's text, the Short Text, was written out in 1413 when she was still alive. The contents of this manuscript, apart from its initial two texts which are translations made by Richard Misyn, a Lincoln Carmelite, for an anchoress, Margaret Heslyngton, from texts written by Richard Rolle in Latin for other women contemplatives, one of them also an anchoress named Margaret, may represent Julian's own contemplative library. The Amherst Manuscript includes as well the Henry Suso excerpts from the Horologium Sapientiae and the Jan van Ruusbroec, Sparkling Stone, which are given here on this Juliansite. It is possible that Marguerite Porete's Mirror of Simple Souls, present in this same manuscript, was a part of Julian's own anachoritic library and that it influenced her. She departs from Marguerite Porete, however, in being actively concerned for her even-Christians, rather than Quietist.



Dante Alighieri (1321) 

ante Alighieri, like Julian, lived in the fourteenth-century, and was as deeply influenced as was she by these three mystic theologians. He embedded the principle of Love, spoken of by all three, as the controlling force of his Commedia as it is of the Cosmos, ' l'amor che move il sole e l'altre stelle'. And in Vita Nuova XII, he had described God as Love saying to him, 'Ego tamquam centrum circuli, cui simili modo se habent circumferentie partes; tu autem non sic.' [I am as at the centre of the circle, equidistant from all parts, but you are not'.]

Dante and Julian both share in the sense of the Trinity as Divine Power, Wisdom and Love (Inferno III), both share, by way of Marguerite Porete, in the theology of Mary as paradoxically Mother and Daughter of her Creator, 'figlia del tuo figlio' (Paradiso XXXIII).

It is not likely that Julian was influenced by Dante except, perhaps, through Cardinal Adam Easton, who quotes from him in his own writings. What is important is that they share the same principles derived from these preceding mystic theologians, participating in a past 'Internet' of God's Wisdom. Common also to many of these mystics, these Friends of God, is the sense of drawing apart, as to Mount Tabor with Christ, only to descend the Mountain again to be with all people in God's image, to be both chosen and universal, to treasure these things in their heart as had Mary, their task to seek Wisdom, amongst women and amongst men, and with her to be part of God's sweet ordering of the cosmos.

All these writers, Augustine, Boethius, Dionysius, Dante and Julian, are influenced by the Hebraic and feminine figure of God's Wisdom, God's Daughter.

The Friends of God, Henry Suso, Jan van Ruusbroec

Henry Suso (1366)

enry Suso was born in Switzerland about 1296, entering the Dominican monastery at fifteen. Five years later, after much guilt and excessive asceticism (including inscribing Jesus' name over his heart upon his flesh with his writing stylus), he was 'converted', giving his heart to the love of Eternal Wisdom. He worked with Meister Eckhart at Cologne after 1320 and wrote the Book of Divine Truth in defense of Eckhart's teachings. Suso was then himself forbidden to teach, though he continued to write, and he wandered about, in close contact with John Tauler, Henry of Nordlingen and other 'Friends of God'. Elsbeth Stägel, a Dominican nun at Töss, wrote his Life and received assistance from him as the 'Servant' on interpreting Eckhart's writings.

Einsiedeln, Cod. 710 (322), fol. 89, Henry Suso and Elsbeth Stagel sheltering under cloak of Sapientia

The Horologium Sapientiae ('Clock of Wisdom', the 'Computer of Wisdom'), was written in 1339. Henry Suso died at Ulm, 1366. Immensely popular throughout Europe this work was translated into other languages.

Henry Suso's Horologium Sapientiae, in British Library, Add. 37,790, fols. 135v-136v, presents part of Chapter Four's dialogue between Wisdom and the Disciple. British Library, Add. 37,790, the Amherst Manuscript, also contains Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love, Marguerite Porete's Mirror of Simple Souls, Jan van Ruusbroec's Sparkling Stone, and works by Richard Rolle, Walter Hilton and Birgitta of Sweden. It may have been copied out by Richard Misyn himself for the recluse Margaret Heslyngton, and these earlier layers of the manuscript could have even been written as early as circa 1413, and represent Julian's own contemplative library. One may be reading what she once read.

Both Henry Suso and Richard Rolle stress Jesus ' name, Suso inscribing it upon his own flesh over his heart with his writing stylus, Rolle wearing it as an embroidered badge upon his hermit's garb, Charles de Foucauld as a hermit using a similar practice in our own century. Women were more likely to centre such a concept upon the heart of Jesus, as did Mecthild of Hackeborn, whose Book of Ghostly Grace in British Library, Egerton 2006, is copied out by the same scribe as that of this Amherst Manuscript, and as did Julian of Norwich herself.

There is a Carol sung each Christmas in Germany, said in its legend to have been sung by the Angels when they danced with Henry Suso.

The concluding reference in this text to the Desert Father Arsenius is also to be found in the booklet 'Colections', seized at the French Revolution. Manuscripts of this text by Henry Suso are sometimes illuminated with Henry Suso, who was Swiss, and his translator together gazing upon the medieval form of a computer, an elaborate Swiss clock, presented to us by the figure of God as female Wisdom. The rubrication here follows that in the Amherst Manuscript.


A Brief Formula for the Spiritual Life:

N the fellowship of saints which as the morning stars
shone in the dark night of this world and as the sun and moon
shed forth the beams of their clear knowledge you shall find some who
surpassingly were perfectly grounded not only in active life and virtue but
also in contemplation, of whose teaching and example you may take
the most perfect doctrine and love of true spiritual life. And nevertheless I
willingly and condescendingly to your youth and inexperience shall give you
some principles of spiritual living for a memory to have always
at hand to set you in the right working if you desire
to have the perfection of spiritual life that is to be desired by all men
and if you will and desire to take it up manfully you shall first
withdraw from ill fellowship and harmful company of all men who would
hinder you from your good purpose, seeking always opportunity when and what
time you may retire and there take privy silence for contemplation
and flee from the perils and turbulance of this harmful world. Always it
belongs to you first to study to have cleanness of heart, that is to say
that you keep your sensory perceptions turned into yourself and there you have as much as is
possible the doors of your heart busily closed from the

[Fol. 136]

forms of outward things and images of earthly things. Truly
among all other spiritual exercises cleanness of heart has the sovereignty,
as a final intent and reward of all the travails that a chosen knight of Christ is to receive.
Also you must lessen your affections from all your business about all the things that might
hinder your freedom from such a thing that in any manner has might and power to bind and
draw down your affection to it. As it is written in Moses' Law, 'Remain living in your own
dwelling and do not go out your door on the day of the Sabbath. Every man shall live by himself and
no man go out through the door of his house upon the Sabbath day'. This is as much as to say
that for a man to dwell with himself is to gather all the various
thoughts and affections of his heart and have them knit together into
one true and sovereign good, that is God. And to keep the Sabbath is
to have your heart free and unburdened from all fleshly affections that might
defoul the soul and from all worldly cares and business that might distress
it and so rest sweetly in peace of heart as in the haven of silence and
the love and feeling of his Creator God. Above all other things, let
this be your principal intent and business, that you always have your soul
and your mind lifted up to contemplation of heavenly things, so that
frail earthly things be left, to be continually drawn up to
the things that are above and what thing so ever it be that is different
from this, though it seem great in itself as chastising of the body, fasting,
vigils, and such like exercises of virtue, they shall be taken
and considered as secondary and less worthy and only so much expedient
and profitable as they profit and help to cleanness of heart. And there
fore it is that so few go on to perfection for they waste their time and their
strength in mean things that are not greatly profitable and the due
remedies they leave and discard. But if you desire to know the
right way to fulfil your intent you shall sovereignly desire
to continual cleanness of heart and rest of spirit and tranquillity and
to have your heart lastingly lifted up to God.
Disciple: Who is he who in this mortal body may always be knit to
that spiritual contemplation?

Wisdom: There may be no deadly manner always fasten and
set into this contemplation but from this cause, as said earlier,
that you may know. Where you shall fasten and solemnly set the
intention of the spirit and to what mark you shall always draw
the beholding of your soul when at that time the mind may
get them he will be glad and when he is distracted and drawn
away then he is sorry and sighs often as he feels himself
separated from that beholding. But if by chance you will ever turn against
me and say that you may not long abide and dwell in one's man's state
you shall know and understand that the power of God may do
and work more than any man may think. Therefore it falls
often that that thing that a man binds him to at the beginning
with a manner of violence and difficulty, afterwards he shall

[Fol. 136v]

do it lightly and at last with great liking, if he continue and
leave not what he has first begun. Hear now, my dear son,
the teaching of your father. Heed carefully my words and
write them in your heart as into a book. Follow not the multitude
of those who go back to the desires and lusts of their hearts
in which devotion is slackened, charity grows cold and meek obedience
is cast aside, in those who covet to be over other men in
prelacy and busily seek esteem and delicacies for the stomach,
desiring overmuch gifts and questing rewards that in this
world are gained, which they covet for as reward of their work. But
in another world they shall be left empty of everlasting
joy. And therefore follow not this manner of people but take
heed busily to the worthy flowers, that is the holy Fathers, that
spread about the sweet odour of the sovereign holiness and busy
yourself to take the purpose with like intent and conversation as is now
shown to you. Wherefore, whether you eat or drink or any other
thing do it late. Ever this voice of your sweet father sounds in your
ears saying, 'My son, turn again into thy heart. Withdraw
yourself from all outward things as much as
is possible to you and with a fervent love cleave ever to the
sovereign good that is God and having always your mind lifted
up in contemplation of heavenly things. So that all your soul
with the powers and strengths thereof gathered together into God
be made one spirit with him in whom stands sovereign
perfection of our way and living in this world. This short
doctrine for form and manner of living is given to you in
which stands the sovereignty of all perfection. And in which
if you will busily study and truly fulfil it, in effect you
will be blessed and in this manner begin here in this frail body
everlasting felicity. This is the healthful way that Arsenius,
taught by the Angel, kept himself and bade his disciples
keep. That is to say, 'Flee, Keep Silence, and Be in Rest'. 'These', he
said, 'Are the principles of spiritual health'. God be Thanked.
 

 


P. Odo Lang O.S.B., Librarian, Einsiedeln Abbey, which owns major Suso manuscript, Cod. 710 (322), also major Mechtild von Magdebourg manuscript

Foto: Frau Liliane Géraud, Zürich
 

Jan van Ruusbroec  (1381)

The Amherst Manuscript also translates Jan van Ruusbroec's Sparkling Stone into Middle English:

      here may no man entere the sayde exercyse be cunnynge
        ffor contemplatyfe lyfe may nought be taught oone be anothere
        bot where as god whiche es verrey trowthe manyfestys hym
        selfe in spirit. ther all necessaries moste plentevously are lerned
        and that is that the spirit says in the Apochalips vincenti
        says he schalle gyffe hym a litil white stone and in it a newe
        name the whiche no man knowes but who that takys it. This
        litel stone promysed to a victorious man it is called. Calcalus.
        for the litelnes ther of. ffor yyf alle a man trede it with his fete
        yit he is not hurte th er with. This stone it is red with a schyny
        nge witness to the lykenesse of a flawme of fyre. litylle and
        rownde and be the serkle ther of it is playne and smothe. Be this
        litel stone we vndyrstande oure lorde ihesu cryste. whyche by
        his dyuynyte is the whitnesse of euer lastande lyght and the
        schynere of the ioye of god. Also the myrroure withoute spotte
        in the whiche alle thynge hase lyfe. Whosumeuere therefore

    [A118]

[A118v]
Jan van Ruusbroec, Sparkling Stone, Amherst Manuscript, fols. 117 verso-118 verso


St Birgitta of Sweden
(1373)

irgitta of Sweden , like Hildegard of Bingen, began her intense political and authorial career suddenly in her forties. Birgitta was widowed in 1344 and at that point commenced her role as prophet not just to Sweden but to all of Europe. She had already had visions, and so did others concerning her. These visions she now wrote down with the help of major Swedish ecclesiasts, one of them Master Mathias, who had studied Hebrew under Nicholas Lyra in Paris, an Augustinian Canon who was associated with Dominicans, and who translated the Bible into Swedish for her. She spoke of Master Mathias and of many others in her circle as 'Friends of God'. Her first agenda was the reform of King Magnus of Sweden, who was much in need of it. But she was also deeply concerned about Europe, particularly about the Hundred Years' War being waged between England and France, and the exile of the Popes to Avignon. Master Mathias in 1347 was delegated by Bishop Hemming of Abo to take the document to the Kings of England and France and to the Pope in which Christ and the Virgin order them to cease their war and the Pope to return to Rome.

Bishop Hemming and St Birgitta, Diptych, Finland

Latin

This is what she wrote in a vision about and to King Magnus. In it she sees a lectern and a book. 'For the appearance of the lectern was as if it had been a sunbeam [of red, gold, white]. . . . And when I looked upwards, I might not comprehend the length and breadth of the lectern; and looking downward, I might not see nor comprehend the greatness nor the deepness of it . . . After this I see a Book on the same lectern, shining like most bright gold. Which Book, and its Scripture, was not written with ink, but each word in the book was alive and spoke itself, as if a man should say, do this or that, and soon it was done with speaking of the Word. No man read the Scripture of that Book, but whatever that Scripture contained, all was seen on the lectern. Before this lectern I see a king . . . The said king sat crowned as if it had been a vessel of glass closed about . . .'

She continues to describe how the king's glass globe is protected by an angel but threatened by a demon . . . 'This living king appears to you as if in as it were a vessel of glass, for his life is but as it were frail glass and suddenly to be ended'. She continues by speaking of how this king knowingly sins but that if he repents he can be saved by the angel from the fiend. Beside him is a dead king above whom is writing describing his lust, his pride, his avarice. . . but the writing is blankly gone from the part that should have proclaimed his love of God.

'Then the Word speaks from the lectern, saying "[What you see is the Godhead's self. That you cannot understand the length, breadth, depth and height of the lectern means that in God is not found either beginning or end. For God is and was without beginning, and shall be without end "]. Also the Word spoke to me and said "[The Book that you see on the lectern means that in the Godhead is endless justice and wisdom, to which nothing may be added or lessened. And this is the Book of Life, that is not written as the world's writing, that is and was not, but the scripture of this Book is forever. For in the Godhead is endless being and understanding of all things, present, past and to come, without any variation or changing. And nothing is invisible to it, for it sees all things "]. That the Word spoke itself means that God is the endless Word, from whom are all words, and in whom things have life and being. And this same Word spoke then visibly when the Word was made man and was conversant among men'. She adds to the King that she is giving him the Word's words, adding that 'few receive and believe the heavenly words given from God, which is not God's fault, but man's'.

Later, she writes 'I saw an altar and a chalice with wine and water and bread and I saw how in a church of the world a priest began the mass, arrayed in a priest's vestments. And when he had done all that belonged to the Mass, I saw as if the sun and moon and the stars with all the other planets, and all the heavens with their courses and moving spheres, sounded with the sweetest note and with sundry voices.'

St John writing the Apocalypse, Hans Memling, St John's Hospital, Bruges

In another vision, at the end of her life, in the Church of the Holy Sepulchre, she sees the judgement of her wicked son Charles where her prayers and her tears for Charles cause the devil to have amnesia concerning her son's sins. First the book in which the fiend has written them down suddenly has blank pages instead of writing, then the sack in which he has placed them is empty when turned inside out, then the devil himself forgets them totally from his memory and goes wailing off to Hell, cursing Birgitta.

Much of Birgitta's visionary imagery comes from law courts, for her father was the King of Sweden's law man and her husband was likewise a law man. She both prophesied and wrote following the Black Death of 1348 when Doomsday, Judgment Day, seemed particularly near. She told King Magnus that the Black Death would happen, then left for Italy, Sweden being too dangerous for her. Birgitta set up her household in Rome, living in prayer and constantly receiving visions, having male secretaries assist her, one of them a Spanish Bishop, Alfonso of Jaén. In the last year of her life she journeyed to the Holy Land, preaching on her journey in Naples and Cyprus, prophesying the 1452 Fall of Constantinople. Her massive book of the Revelationes, which is really Julian's title of 'Showings', was copied out in illuminated manuscripts, then in print, and treasured throughout Europe.

At her death in 1373 Alfonso of Jaén, Queen Joanna of Naples, Queen Margaret of Sweden, the Emperor Charles of Bohemia, and Cardinal Adam Easton of England, a Benedictine from Julian's Norwich, all sought Birgitta's canonization as a saint.

 

St Catherine of Siena (1380)

ope Gregory XI sent Alfonso of Jaén to Catherine of Siena at Birgitta of Sweden's death. At that point Catherine, who had previously been illiterate, proceeded to write important letters to Popes and Emperors, Kings and Queens and even to the condottiere Sir John Hawkwood, on the need for peace. We do not think of her as part of the Dominican-inspired Friends of God movement across Europe but this act clearly places her in that context. Pope Urban VI wanted her to have Birgitta's daughter, Catherine of Sweden, accompany her to carry out diplomacy on his behalf with Queen Joanna of Naples.

Catherine had been the twenty-fourth child of a Sienese dyer. Everyone had wanted her to marry but she refused, having made a vow of chastity, and instead sought to enter the Dominican Third Order, which only admitted women who were widows. She won. As a Dominican Tertiary she cared for the sick and dying, including criminals condemned to death in Siena. She was surrounded by disciples, one of them an English hermit, William Flete, whose work, The Remedies Against Temptations, Julian quotes and uses in the Showing of Love, another a lawyer Cristofano Di Ganno, who later translated Birgitta's Revelations into exquisite Italian, another a painter, Andrea Vanni, whose delicate portrait of her survives, indeed in the very place of her major visions in San Domenico, Siena.

Andrea Vanni, St Catherine of Siena, San Domenico, Siena

The young Catherine of Siena immured herself in her room in prayer - and later wrote or rather, dictated, of that time as her 'Cell of Self-Knowledge'. Besides her Letters she had also written, or, again, rather dictated, the Dialogo, the Dialogue between God and his Daughter, Catherine's Soul, in which he tells her that his Son is the bridge between God and man, a bridge that is like a stair, beginning first with the affections, then love, then peace. He adds that his Son's 'divinity is kneaded with the clay of your humanity like one bread'. This work, likely through Cardinal Adam Easton of Norwich who knew all three women, influenced Julian's Showing of Love, her 'Revelations'. A most beautiful manuscript of the Dialogo was translated into Middle English for the Brigittine nuns of Syon Abbey and called the Orcherd of Syon. It was printed by Wynken de Worde, Caxton's successor, again with that title, in 1519. It is illustrated below. Its exemplar may well have been a manuscript Adam gave Julian.

The Middle English Orcherd of Syon translating her Revelation, her Dialogo, states that such a soul

Her confessor and biographer was Raymond of Capua who became head of the Dominican Order. Pope Urban VI leaned heavily upon her for his own survival. Severely anorexic, she died at the age of thirty-three, collapsing under the weight, she said, of the Church.


II. Medieval Irish and English Contemplatives

The contemplative world is the world of prayer. When Julian would have been enclosed in her Anchorhold one of the prayers said was a later, abbreviated version of the following:

St Patrick's Lorica, 'The Cry of the Deer' (VII century)

I arise today
Through a mighty strength, the invocation of the Trinity,
Through a belief in the Threeness,
Through confession of the Oneness
Of the Creator of creation.


I arise today
Through the strength of Christ's birth and His baptism,
Through the strength of His crucifixion and His burial,
Through the strength of His resurrection and His ascension,
Through the strength of His descent for the judgment of doom.

I arise today
Through the strength of the love of cherubim,
In obedience of angels,
In service of archangels,
In the hope of resurrection to meet with reward,
In the prayers of patriarchs,
In preachings of the apostles,
In faiths of confessors,
In innocence of virgins,
In deeds of righteous men.


I arise today
Through the strength of heaven;
Light of the sun,
Splendour of fire,
Speed of lightning,
Swiftness of the wind,
Depth of the sea,
Stability of the earth,
Firmness of the rock.


Christ with me, Christ before me, Christ behind me,
Christ in me, Christ beneath me, Christ above me,
Christ on my right, Christ on my left,
Christ when I lie down, Christ when I sit down,
Christ in the heart of every man who thinks of me,
Christ in the mouth of every man who speaks of me,
Christ in the eye that sees me,
Christ in the ear that hears me.


I arise today
Through a mighty strength, the invocation of the Trinity,
Through a belief in the Threeness,
Through a confession of the Oneness
Of the Creator of creation.


'The Dream of the Rood' (VIII century)


The Ruthwell Cross, Scotland
 

he earliest written English poem is the 'Dream of the Rood' inscribed in runes upon a stone cross in Scotland. The delight of being a pilgrim scholar is in journeying to Carlisle, then across the border from Hadrian's Wall to Bewcastle and Ruthwell to see these ancient monuments, and then to Vercelli in Italy and seeing its manuscript. None of the original versions of this poem are today in England. Today, the English language in the world's eyes, is the language of commerce, of power, of imperium, of war, like that of pagan Rome. We tend to forget its earliest poem, centred most crucially upon the Cross, upon spirituality.

My pilgrimages, imitating those of hly women such as Helena, Egeria, Paula, Eustochium, Pega, Guthrithyr, Margaret, Birgitta and Margery, took me not only to Ruthwell, Bewcastle, and Vercelli, but also to Jerusalem, where I saw the Holy Sepulchre and the site of the Cross, and finally to Florence, where I organized an international conference of the Laurentian Library's Codex Amiatinus, brought by Ceolfrith from Wearmouth-Jarrow to Italy. At that conference we noted that Jarrow has the same inhabited vine sculpture as has the Ruthwell Cross, copying classicizing scuptural elements foreign to Hibernian or Anglo-Saxon work, and Ceolfrith was specifically noted by Bede to have sent such stone-masons skilled in Roman work to King Nechtan in 710.

                      

The Roman Empress Helena, who likely came from York, where her son had been proclaimed Emperor, had commenced the practice and contemplation of pilgrimage to the Holy Places, to be followed in turn by women such as Paula, Eustochium, Fabiola, Marcella, Egeria and others. Emperor Constantine had himself been converted to Christianity, and converted the whole Roman Empire with him to Christianity, because of his Christian mother Helena and because of the dream vision he experienced (A.D. 312) of the Cross seen by him in the sky, prior to his victory over a pagan enemy. Northumbria's King Oswald (A.D. 634), a successor to King Edwin, then erected a cross prior to the Battle of Heavenfield in imitation of the Emperor Constantine.

The Anglo-Saxon Ruthwell Cross, reflecting Constantine and Oswald's crosses, allows those who see and read it to contemplate in turn each place concerning the life of Christ, Nazareth, the Egyptian Wilderness, the Jordan Wilderness, Galilee, and Jerusalem, culminating with the Crucifixion. It is a map of the Holy Places that pilgrims may read. The runes of the 'Dream of the Rood' inscribed about their edges, their margins, describe the writer, likely Cædmon, dreaming of the Cross speaking to him, narrating of the wood and blood and of the sacred burden it had once borne; then, in Cynewulf's longer version, of its being turned into the sacred reliquary bedecked by the Emperor Constantine with gold and rubies at Constantinople. Jerome, whose works were read at Whitby, had practiced contemplating upon the Crucifix, becoming himself as naked as the naked Christ, in his 'imitatio Christi'. So here does Cædmon, if he is its author, in his contemplation meet with the blood-stained wood of the Roman gallows (Anglo-Saxon 'galgu') erected once to hang Jesus, the Christ, the King of the Jews. So does Cædmon's poem, and its Cynewulfian revision, today have us converse as pilgrim visionaries with the ignoble gallows and imperial reliquary of God.

The poem is shaped in two forms, both used in Anglo-Saxon Riddles. It begins with the dreamer saying 'I saw', then has the inanimate object speak, telling its observers, its poet and its readers, 'I am'. There are such Anglo-Saxon Riddles spoken by 'Book', by 'Cross', etc. In a sense it, too, is the mocking titulus placed above the Cross, 'Jesus, King of the Jews'.

The longer version is given from the manuscript left by an Anglo-Saxon pilgrim in Vercelli, Italy, the rubricated lines being those given in the runes on the Ruthwell Cross.


Anglo-Saxon

ear, while I tell of the best of dreams . which came to me at midnight
when humankind kept their beds.
It seemed that I saw the Tree itself . borne on the air, light wound round it,
brightest of beams, all that beacon was . covered with gold, gems stood
fair at its foot, and five rubies . set in a crux flashed
from the crosstree. Around angels of God . all gazed upon it,
since first fashioning fair . It was not a felon's gallows,
for holy ones beheld it there . and men, and the whole Making shone for it
Trophy of Victory . I, stained and marred,
stricken with shame, saw the glory-tree . shine out gaily, sheathed in
decorous gold; and gemstones made . for their Maker's Tree a right mail-coat
Yet through the masking gold I might perceive .
what terrible sufferings were there
It bled from the right side . Ruth in the heart
Afraid I saw that unstill brightness . change raiment and colour,
again clad in gold or again slicked with sweat . spangled with spilling blood.

I, lying there a long while . beheld, sorrowing, the Healer's Tree
till it seemed that I heard how it broke silence, best of wood, and spoke:
'It was long ago-I still remember . back to the holt where I was hewn down;
From my own stock I was struck away . dragged off by strong enemies
wrought into a roadside scaffold . They made me a hoist from wrongdoers.
The soldiers on their shoulders bore me . until on a hill-top they raised me
many enemies made me fast there . Then I saw, marching toward me,
Mankind's brave King . He came to climb upon me. I dared not break nor bend aside . against God's will, though the ground itself
shook at my feet. Then the young warrior, Almighty God, mounted the Cross, in the sight of many. He would set free mankind.
I shook when his arms embraced me, but I durst not bow to ground,
stoop to Earth's surface . Stand fast I must.
I was reared up, a rood . I held the King, Heaven's lord, I dared not bow . They drove me through with dark nails: on me are the wounds
Wide-mouthed hate dents. I durst not harm any of them.
They mocked us together . I was all wet with blood sprung from the Man's side . after he sent forth his soul. Many wry wierds I underwent . up on that hilltop; saw the Lord of Hosts stretched out stark . Darkness shrouded the King's corpse.
A shade went out wan under cloud pall . All creation wept,
keened the King's death . Christ was on the Cross.
But there quickly came from afar . many to the Prince .
All that I beheld had grown weak with grief . yet with glad will bent then
meek to those men's hands . yielded Almighty God.
They lifted Him down from the leaden pain . left me, the commanders
Standing in blood sweat . I was sorely smitten with sorrow
wounded with shafts . Limb-weary they laid him down.
They stood at his head . They looked on him there .
They set to contrive Him a tomb . within sight of his bane
carved it of bright stone . laid in it the Bringer of Victory
spent from the great struggle . They began to speak the grief song,
sad in the sinking light . then thought to set out homeward;
their most high Prince . they left to rest with scant retinue.
Yet we three, weeping, a good while . stood in that place after the song
had gone up from the captains' throats . Cold grew the corpse, fair soul house.
They felled us all . We crashed to ground, cruel Wierd,
and they delved for us a grave . The Lord's men learnt of it, His friends found me.
It was they who girt me with silver and gold. . .

 



B. Christina of Markyate, Richard Rolle, John Whiterig, William Flete, Walter Hilton, the Cloud of Unknowing Author, Julian of Norwich, Margery Kempe

Christina of Markyate (circa 1155)

A manuscript now in the British Library, MS Cotton Tiberius E.1, its edges charred in the Cotton Library fire in 1731, tells us in Latin the story of a remarkable young woman of the twelfth century, Theodora, who came to be named Christina, Anchoress, then Prioress, of Markyate. The account breaks off in the year 1142, but we know she was still living, 1155-6. The very fine St Albans Psalter, together with the Vita St Alexis, is also associated with Christina of Markyate, making its way sometime after the Dissolution of the Monasteries to the English Benedictine monks at Lambspring (whose Abbot was to fund the publication of the first edition of Julian of Norwich's Revelations), following that, to St Godeharskirche at Hildesheim.

Christina had made her Vow of Virginity as a child at St Albans and preserved that Vow with the famous reading of the story of St Cecilia's wedding on her own wedding night. Her Latin Vita retells the tales of St Cecilia, St Alexis and St Mary of Egypt, giving them a local habitation and a name, reliving the Thebaid in England. Following family and ecclesial abuse Christina fled to the inner cell of the hermit monk of St Albans, Roger. Roger was under obedience to the Abbot, though living where three angels led him from Windsor, on his return from Jerusalem, to Markyate, on the right of Watling Road from St Albans Abbey towards Dunstable, the Latin text very precisely tells us, - peopling England with angels. Likewise the Latin text presents its protagonists, Christina and Roger, forever speaking lines out of the Holy Book, lines from the liturgical psalms. Indeed it is the lines from psalms recited by Christina that dispel evil toads, who are devils, from her cell.

She tells Roger of her vision of Christ giving her his Cross to hold and Roger speaks amidst the Latin in Old English:

Soon after Burthred, her husband, arrives, releasing her from her Marriage Vows, and Roger decides to leave her his hermitage.

That decision is preceded by a vision, one that looks back to Gregory's Dialogues on Benedict and forward to Julian of Norwich and Catherine of Siena. In the Dialogue following that concerning Scholastica and Benedict in loving discourse upon heavenly matters all night, Benedict is seen one night in prayer, and at the same instant the whole world to shrink as into one beam of light. Here Christina sees the Queen of Heaven and all the angels.

Latin

But above all else she turned her eyes towards Roger's cell and chapel and she said From having been a willing prisoner in a cramped narrow cell, seated on stone, in silence and in illness / Pp. 102-105/, Christina now becomes officially its anchoress and soon prioress with a growing Benedictine community of nuns about her, closely associated with the Benedictine Abbey of St Albans, and advising its Abbot, Geoffrey. Their relationship is compared to that of Jerome and Paula. Her years of solitude, trial, temptation and illness had brought her wisdom, concerning herself and God.

Richard Rolle
(1349)

ichard Rolle became a hermit, abandoning his university studies, after first asking his sister to procure for him his father's raincoat and an old dress of hers, for making his habit. She proclaimed he had gone mad. His prolific writings were to be copied out over and over again, his Latin works translated by the Carmelite Misyn, in turn doing this for Margaret Heslyngton. He has a strong presence in the Amherst manuscript. Often William Flete's Remedies against Temptations is falsely attributed to Richard Rolle.
BL MS Cotton Faustina B.vi.Part II

This is from Rolle's Meditations on the Passion (which we shall see reflected, too, in the Latin of John Whiterig):

'Thy body, sweet Jesus, is like a book all written with red ink; so is thy body all written with red wounds . . . grant me to read upon thy book, and somewhat to understand the sweetness of that writing and to have liking in studious abiding of that reading'

'More yit, swet Jhesu, thy body is lyke a boke written al with rede ynke; so is thy body al written with rede woundes. Now, swete Jhesu, graunt me to rede upon thy boke, and somwhate to undrestond the swetnes of that writynge, and to have likynge in studious abydynge of that redynge. And yeve me grace to conceyve somwhate of the perles love of Jhesu Crist, and to lerne by that ensample to love God agaynwarde as I shold. And, swete Jhesu, graunt me this study in euche tyde of the day, and let me upon this boke study at my matyns and hours and evynsonge and complyne, and evyre to be my meditacion, my speche, and my dalyaunce.'

And this is his 'Ghostly Gladness'

Gostly gladness in Ihesu, and ioy in hert, with swetnesse in soule of þe sauour of heuyn in hope, is helth in to hele, and my lyf lendeth in loue, and lightsome vmlappeth my thoght. I dred nat þat me may wirch wo, so myche I wot of wele. Hit ware no wonder if dethe ware dere, þat I myght se hym þat I seke; but not hit lengthes fro me, and me behoueth to lyve here til he wil me lese. List and lere of þis lare, and þe shal nat myslike. Loue maketh me to melle, and ioy maked me jangle. Loke þou lede þi life in lightsomnes; and heuynesse, hold hit away. Sorynesse let nat sit with the, bot in gladnes in God euermore make thou thi glee.

Ghostly gladness in Jesus, and joy in heart, with sweetness in soul of the Saviour of Heaven in hope, is health into healing, and my life lends to love and lightly surrounds my thought. I fear not that I may work woe, so much I know of weal. It would be no wonder if death were dear, that I might see him whom I seek; but this is now distanced from me, and I must live here until he will loose me. Listen and learn of this teaching, and you shall not dislike it. Love makes me to speak, and joy makes me voluble. Look that you live your life lightly, and hold heaviness away. Let not sorrow sit with you, but in gladness in God ever more joy.



John Whiterig
(1371)

here are strong similarities between the contemplations of an Oxford-educated Benedictine, likely named John Whiterig, who had become a hermit on to the Island of Farne, 1363, dying there in 1371, and Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love. When a student at Durham College (for he mentions being saved from drowning in Oxford's Cherwell River), he would have overlapped with Adam Easton, a student at Gloucester College, both colleges established for educating young Benedictines at Oxford. The Durham Benedictines first settled at Wearmouth and Jarrow in memory of St Benet Biscop and St Bede, then were invited in 1083 to Durham where they served at the shrine of St Cuthbert, who had died on Farne in 687. St Godric visited St Cuthbert's cell on Farne before becoming himself a hermit at Finchale (1065-1170). Lindisfarne, at some distance from the island of Farne, also continued as a monastic site until the Reformation, though like Whitby with gaps following Viking arrivals. Durham typically kept two monks on Farne, where they supported themselves by fishing and lived intense lives of prayer.

The Ruins of Lindisfarne

In the following, the Latin text derives from 'The Meditations of the Monk of Farne', ed. David Hugh Farmer, OSB, Studia Anselmiana 41 (1957), 141-245; the English translation from Christ Crucified and Other Meditations, ed. David Hugh Farmer, Trans. Dame Frideswide Sandemen, OSB (Leominster: Gracewing, 1994). The complete paperback book is available: UK, ISBN 0 85244 266 1; USA, ISBN 0 87061 202 6. Dame Frideswide Sandeman well represents the continuing tradition of Julian's association amongst contemplatives, for she is a Benedictine at Stanbrook Abbey, which was founded from Cambrai, where exiled English nuns, including several descendants of St Thomas More , under the guidance of Dom Augustine Baker , OSB, had studied, copied and contemplated upon such texts, including Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love, eventually preparing it for publication in 1670, with Dom Serenus Cressy, OSB, as ostensible editor. Benedictinism is about Eternity, more than time, a contemplative choral dialogue of men and women across centuries. P. Franklin Chambers drew attention to the similarities between the two contemplative writers, John Whiterig and Julian of Norwich, in his Juliana of Norwich: An Introductory Appreciation and an Interpretative Anthology (London: Gollancz, 1955). The manuscript transcribed is Durham B.iv.34, fols. 5v-75, and which is the only extant manuscript with this text.

David Hugh Farmer mentions the self-identification of the Hermit of Farne with St John the Evangelist on the Isle of Patmos, to whom he addresses a 'Meditacio Eiusdem ad Beatum Iohannem Ewangelistam'.

Hans Memling, 'St John Writing Revelation,' St John's Museum, Bruges
Reproduced with permission, Memlingmuseum, Stedelijke Musea, Brugge, Belgium

John Whiterig, while Hermit on Farne, also began to write a poem in praise of St Cuthbert, perhaps dying before it could be finished.

Parallel passages in Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love will be added more completely at a later date, noted here with 'Julian '. My profound thanks to Catherina Lindgren, Sweden, and to Iain Bruce, Oxford, for making these texts available. The passages that follow can be read by both contemplatives and scholars, and perhaps contemplatives and scholars could even change places with each other to the profit of both modes of thought and of being.


AD CRUCIFIXSUM

MEDITACIONES CUIUSDAM MONACHI APUD FARNELAND QUONDAM SOLITARII


tudy then, mortal, to know Christ: to learn your Saviour. His body hanging on the cross, is a book, opened before your eyes. The words of this book are Christ's actions. as well as his suffering and passion, for everything that he did serves for our instruction. His wounds are the letters or characters, the five chief wounds being the five vowels and the others the consonants of your book . . .

However much else you may know, if you do not know this, I count all your learning for naught, because without knowledge of this book, both general and particular, it is impossible for you to be saved. So eat this book which in your mouth and understanding shall be sweet, but which will make your belly bitter, that is to say your memory, because he that increases knowledge increases sorrow too.

May this book never depart from my hands, O Lord, but let the law of the Lord be ever in my mouth, that I may know what is acceptable in thy sight.

isce ergo homo Christum, cognosce Saluatorem tuum, corpus etenim eius pendens in cruce uolumen expansum est coram oculis tuis; uerba uolumina huius sunt actus Christi, dolores et passiones eius. Omnis enim Christi accio nostra est instruccio, litere seu carateres uoluminis huius vulnera eius sunt, quorum quinque plage quinque sunt uocales, cetere uero consonantes libri tui . . .

Quidquid scis, si hoc nescis, nichil reputo quod scis; quia sine sciencia huius libri uniuersali uel particulari inpossibile est te saluari. Comede ergo uolumen hoc, quod dulce erit in ore tuo et intelectu, sed amaricabit uentrem tuum, id est memoriam, quia qui addit scienciam addit et dolorem . . .

Non recedat, Domine, liber uoluminis huius de manibus meis, sed ut lex Domini iugiter sit in ore meo, ut sciam quid acceptum sit in oculis tuis.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 53, fols. 29v-30

__________

'Thy body, sweet Jesus, is like a book all written with red ink; so is thy body all written with red wounds . . . grant me to read upon thy book, and somewhat to understand the sweetness of that writing and to have liking in studious abiding of that reading'

'More yit, swet Jhesu, thy body is lyke a boke written al with rede ynke; so is thy body al written with rede woundes. Now, swete Jhesu, graunt me to rede upon thy boke, and somwhate to undrestond the swetnes of that writynge, and to have likynge in studious abydynge of that redynge. And yeve me grace to conceyve somwhate of the perles love of Jhesu Crist, and to lerne by that ensample to love God agaynwarde as I shold. And, swete Jhesu, graunt me this study in euche tyde of the day, and let me upon this boke study at my matyns and hours and evynsonge and complyne, and evyre to be my meditacion, my speche, and my dalyaunce.'

Richard Rolle, Meditations on the Passion


Vowels are the soul, consonants the bones and flesh of words.

Spinoza on Hebrew


On Jesus shadowed in Isaac:

Thou art Isaac, who didst make laughter for us by offering thyself to God in sacrifice upon a mount called Calvary. Thou art the ram, caught by the horns amidst the briers, and sacrificed in place of the son; for that which thou hadst assumed succumbed to death, but thou who didst assume it couldst not succumb. And yet thou art not two but one; according to thy human nature thou didst die and wast buried, according to thy divinity thou didst remain unhurt. And thus, O good Jesus, thou didst make laughter for us amidst tears and music for us in thine own lament.

Fourteenth-Century Icelandic Manuscript, Bible in Icelandic, Abraham sacrificing Abraham, stopped by angel grabbing his sword, ram caught by horns in thicket. Árni Magnússon Institute, Reykjavik, Iceland.

u es Isaac, qui risum nobis fecisti, quando te ipsum tradidisti sacrificium Deo super unum moncium qui Calvarie dicitur. Tu es ille aries inter uepres herens cornibus, qui pro filio immolatur: quia quod assumpsisti morti succubuit, sed qui assumpsisti morti succumbere non potuisti; et non duo tamen sed unus, qui secundum humanum naturam mortuus es et sepultus, et secundum Diuinam mansisti illesus. Risum igitur, bone Ihesu, nobis in lacrimis suscitasti, et musicam in luctu tuo.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 2, fol. 7

Julian on Christ and laughter


On Jesus shadowed in Jacob

Thou hast beguiled the devil, through whose envy death entered into the world; and this thou didst do so wisely and fittingly, that life rose up from thence whence death had sprung, and he, who by a tree had gained his victory, was likewise by a tree overcome.

. . . delusisti diabolo, cuius inuidia more introiuit in orbem terrarum: et tam prudenter hoc fecisti et conuenienter, ut unde mors oriebatur inde uita resurgeret, et qui in ligno uicerat per lignum quoque uinceretur.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 3, fol. 7


On Jesus shadowed in Joseph

Thou shalt no longer be called Jacob, Lord, but Joseph shall be thy name, which is interpreted 'increase' or 'joining'. Either meaning is more fitting, because thou hast increased thy people exceedingly, and thou wast thyself joined to us, when the Word was made flesh and dwelt among us, that that man could in very truth say unto thee: 'This is now bone of my bone and flesh of my flesh'.

on vocaberis ultra Domine Iacob, sed Ioseph erit nomen tuum, quod augmentum siue apposicio interpretatur; qui utraque nominis interpretacio optime tibi conuenit, siue quia auxisti populum tuum uehementer, siue quia appositus es nobis quando Verbum caro factum est et habitauit in nobis, ita ut dicere ueraciter poterit homo tibi: Hoc nunc os ex ossibus meis, et caro de carne mea.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 3, fol. 7v

Remember us then, O Lord, when it shall be well with thee, for thou art our brother and our flesh; suggest to the Father that he should fill the sacks of thy brethren - fill them, I mean, with that wheat which, once it had fallen into the ground and died, brought forth much fruit, and filled every living creature with blessing. Thou who knowest no ill-will towards thy brethren, grant us our measure of wheat. For we have no other advocate who has been made unto us justice and sanctification, and whom the Father always hears for his reverence, but thee, good Lord, who art the propitiation for our sins. Remember then, O Lord, when thou standest in the sight of God, to speak well on our behalf. Ask thy Father to give me that wheat which with desire I have desired to eat before I die.

emento nostri ergo, Domine, dum bene tibi fuerit, quia caro et frater noster es, ut suggeras Patri two quatinus impleantur sacci fratrum tuorum illo dico frumento, quod dum semel cadens in terra mortuum fuit, multum fructum attulit et omne animal benediccione repleuit. Qui igitur nescis inuidere fratribus illius, tritici mensuram impertire nobis. Non enim alium habemus Aduocatum, qui nobis factus est iusticia et sanctificacio, quem semper audit Pater propter suam reuerenciam, quam te, bone Domine; et tu propiciacio es pro peccatis nostris. Recordare ergo, Domine, dum steteris in conspectu Dei, ut loquaris pro nobis bonum. Postula Patrem tuum ut michi donet triticum, quod desiderio desideraui manducare antequam morior.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 4, fol. 8

Julian on Christ as our brother


I wish for no other wheat but thee: give me thyself, and the rest take for thyself. For what have I in heaven, and what have I desired more than thee on earth? Whatever there is besides thee does not satisfy me without thee, nor hast thou any gift to bestow which I desire so much as thee. If therefore thou hast a mind to satisfy my desire with good things, give me nought but thyself. For my desire would not be pleasing in thy sight, if I longed for something other than thee more than thee.

liud nolo triticum nisi temetipsum: da michi ergo teipsum, et cetere tolle tibi. Quid enim michi est in celo, et quid plus quam te optaui super terram? Certe quicquid est preter te non michi sufficit preter te, nec est munus apud te quod tantum desidero sicut te. Si ergo uelis replere in bonis desiderium meum, nichil aliud michi des nisi temetipsum. Non enim coram te cupiditas mea placeret si aliquid aliud, quod tu non es, plus quam te optaret.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 5, fol. 8

od for your goodness give to me yourself. For you are enough to me. And I may ask nothing that is less, that may be full worthy of you. And if I ask anything that is less, ever I shall want, but only in you I have all. And these words 'God of your goodness' are very lovely to the soul and very close to touching our Lord's will. For his goodness comprehends all . . .

Julian of Norwich, Prayer, Showing of Love, Westminster Manuscript


On Jesus Shadowed in Moses

Thou art the brazen serpent hung upon the gibbet, a remedy to all believers against the bites of the devil. Thou art the lonely sparrow upon a house-top, and thou hast found a nest for thyself which is the Virgin's womb. Thou art the scapegoat, and hast carried our sins into the wilderness of eternal oblivion, so that as far as the east is from the west, so far should our iniquities be from us. Thou art the lamb of God who takest away the sins of the world . . .

u es ille serpens eneus suspensus in patibulo, in quem credentes  curantur omnes a morsu diabolico. Tu es enim ille passer in tecto solitarius, et nidum tibi inuenisti, qui Virginis est uterus. Tu es hircus emissarius, qui peccata nostra tulisti in desertum obliuionis perpetue, ut quantum distat ortus ab Occidente longe fierent a nobis iniquitates nostre. Tu es agnus Dei qui tollis peccata mundi . . .

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 6, fol. 8v


. . . all things work together for good; not only good works, but even sins. For example, one of the elect who is somwhat elated on account of an outstanding virtue is tempted by the devil to impurity and allowed to fall, so that the memory of so shameful a sin may for the future preserve him from pride, and give him rather, what is safer, a fellow-feeling for the lowly.

. . . omnia cooperantur in bonum, hiis qui secundum propositum uocati sunt sancti, non tantum bona opera sed eciam peccata. Verbi gracia: aliquis electus a diabolo temptatur per luxuriam, qui ex aliqua uirtute qua forte pollet aliqualem habet elacionem, permittitur cadere, ut quam uile se meminerit flagicium perpetrasse: de cetero numquam habeat materiam superbie, immo, quod est tucius, humilibus consentire.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 9, fol. 10

Julian, 'All Shall Be Well'


On Jesus Shadowed in Jonathan

Let us by no means bring to naught in our city the likeness of those whom we have made to our own image and likeness, but rather let thy wisdom prevail over the malice into which they have falled through their proud self-love, desiring to become like gods, knowing good and evil. Let it reach from thee, the end, for thou are both beginning and end, unto the end of all creation, that is to say man, who was created last of all, and let it dispose all things sweetly.

uos ad ymaginem et similitudinem nostram fecimus, eorum ymaginem in ciuitate nostra nullo modo ad nichilum redigamus; sed pocius uincat sapiencia tua maliciam eorum, in quam proprie superbiendo impegerunt, cupientes fore sicut dii, scientes bonum et malum. Attingat ergo a te fine, qui principium es et finis, usque ad finem tocius creature, hominem uidelicet qui ultimo creatus est, et disponat omnia suauiter.
 

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 11, fol. 11

Julian, on God in the City of the Soul, on Wisdom


Thou art Christ, Son of the living God, who in obedience to the Father hast saved the world.

u es Cristus Filius Dei uiui, qui precepto Patris mundum saluasti.
 
 

Despenser Retable, Norwich Castle, Contemporary with Julian

I see thee, O good Jesus, nailed to the cross, crowned with thorns, given gall to drink, pierced with the lance, and for my sake . . . upon the gibbet of the cross.

uideo te, Ihesu bone, cruci conclauatum, spinis coronatum, felle potatum, lancea perforatum, et omnibus membris super crucis patibulum propter me diuaricatum.

. . . being thyself most beautiful, for me thou hast desired to be accounted as a leper and the last of men;

. . . cum speciosus sis, ut leprosus et uirorum nouissimus pr me reputari uoluisti;

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 13, fols. 11v-12v

In thy head I perceive wondrous multiplicity of suffering, for in all thy five senses thou didst feel indescribable Pain. Thou didst see thyself crucified and hanging between thieves, thy friends deserting thee, thine enemies gathering round, thy mother weeping, and the corpses of condemned criminals strewn round about; whatever met thy gaze was a source of pain and sorrow, of horror and dismay.

n capite tuo admirabilem penarum intueor multitudinem, quia per omnia organa quinque sensuum inena rrabilem sensisti dolorem. Te ipsum enim uidisti crucifixsum atque pendentem in medio latronum, amicos uidisti fugere, inimicos appropinquare, matrem uidisti flere, atque cadauera dampnatorum in circuitu iacere, et quicquid uisu traxisti pena fuit et dolor, tremor et horror.

Thou didst hear threats, murmuring, sarcasm and taunts from the bystanders; threats, when they cried out: 'Away with him, away with him; crucify him'; murmuring, when they said: 'He saved others, himself he cannot save', and some had said before that: 'He is good', while others said: 'No, he seduceth the multitude'. Sarcasm, when the soldiers, being their knees, greeted thee with: 'Hail, king of the Jews'; for sarcasm is a covert sort of mockery, when one is ironically called something by the scoffer, other than what he believes to be true. They believed him indeed to be a criminal rather than the king of the Jews, and yet they spoke the truth although with false intent. Thou didst hear taunts, when they said: 'Vah! Thou who dost destroy the Temple and in three days rebuild it!'

udisti timorem et susurrium, subsannacionem et derisum ab hiis qui in circuitu stabant. Timorem, inquam, audisti quando dixerunt: Tolle, tolle, crucifige eum. Sussurium audisti quando dixerunt: Alios saluos fecit, seipsum non potest saluum facere, et ante quidam dixerunt quia bonus est, alii autem non, sed seducit turbas. Subsannacionem tunc audisti quando geniculantes dicebant Aue rex Iudeorum, quia subsannacio oculta est derisio, cum aliud uidelicet aliquis uocatur ironice quam a deridente fore creditur. Credebant enim eum pocius maleficum quam regem Iudaeorum, et tamen uerum dicebant quamuia menciendo. Audisti, Domine, derisum quando dicebant: Vah qui destruit templum et in tribus diebus reedificat.

Thou didst taste bitterness, O Lord, when they gave thee gall for thy food, and in thy thirst gave thee vinegar to drink. Thy nostrils, O Lord, breathed in the stench of the corrupting corpses of executed criminals lying round about. Thy sense of touch felt fierce pain in thy head, for the crown of thorns pierced it so grievously that thy blood flowed down in torrents through thy hair even to the ground. And so, good Lord, whatever thou didst look upon was terrible, whatever thou didst hear was horrible, whatever thou didst taste was bitter, whatever thou didst smell was putrid, and whatever thou didst touch was painful.

ustasti Domine amarum, quando in escam tuam dederunt fel et in siti tua potauerunt te aceto. Per nares, domine, traxisti fetorem ex cadaueribus putridis morte punitorum, que in circuitu iacebant. Per tactum uero in capite sensisti asperitatem, quia corona spinarum in tantum pungebat capud tuum ut cruorem habunde per crines in terram currere faceret. Bone ergo Domine, quicquid uidisti fuit terribile, quicquid audisti fuit horribile, quicquid gustasti fuit amarum, quicquid odorasti fuerat fetidum, et quicquid tetigisti fuit ualde asperum.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 14, fols. 12-12v

One thing, O good Jesus, I would know of thee; namely what reward will be bestowed on thee for all that thou hast suffered for us, since we have nothing that we have not received from thee. All gold is but as a grain of sand in thy sight, and silver would be accounted much in compensation for thy passion.

num a te, Ihesu bone, scire uellem, qua uidelicet mercede donaberis pro hiis que passus es pro nobis, cum nos nichil habeamus nisi quod a te accepimus. Omne enim aurum in conspectu tuo arena est exigua, et tamquam lutum estimabitur argentum in recompensacione tue passionis.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 15, fol. 12v

Julian on Passion


Speak, Lord, for thy servants listen, ready to receive the engrafted word which is able to save their souls. If thou desirest to know this plainly, call thy husband, that thou mayest understand aright. Let him who hath ears to hear, hear what Christ saith now to the churches.

oquere, Domine, quia audiunt serui tui, parati suscipere institum uerbum quod potest saluare animas eorum. Si hoc aperte scire desideras, uoca uirum tuum ut recte inteligas. Qui ergo habet aures audiendi, audiat quid modo ecclesiis Christus dicat.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 16, fols. 13-13v


I know well, O Lord, that thou desirest my whole self when thou askest for my heart, and I seek thy whole self when I beg for thee.

cio Domine, scio, totum me cupis cum cor meum petis, et totum te desidero cum te ipsum postulo.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 18, fols. 13v-14

Julian's Prayer

. . . even if he at times out of his goodness enters under our roof to abide with us. This he does especially according to that operation whereby he enables us to taste the first-fruits of the Spirit, by breaking for us a little of the bread which is himself, and saying: 'Taste and see that the Lord is sweet'.

 . . . et si aliquando propter suam bonitatem intret sub tectum nostrum ut maneat nobiscum, secundum illam maxime operacionem qua nos facit probare de primiciis Spiritus frangens nobis modicum de pane seipso et dicens: Gustate et uidete quoniam suauis est Dominus.

Julian

Thou canst, O good Jesus, most clearly be recognized in the breaking of this bread, which no one else breaks as thou dost. For thou dost visit the soul with such joy, and fill it with such ineffable delight and indescribable love, that for one who loves such favours the enjoyment of so gracious a visit from such a guest, were it only for the space of a day, would surpass all physical love and a whole world full of riches. This is not surprising, since it is a sort of beginning of eternal joys, a sign of divine predestination and pledge of eternal salvation; it is a grace rendering us pleasing to God, and bestows on us a new name, which no one knows save he who receives it, and apart from the sons and daughters of God none can have a share in it.

iquidissime, Ihesu bone, cognosci poteris in fraccione panis, quem nemo alius sic frangit sicut tu. Quam enim sic uisitas animam iubilo, et ineffabili uoluptate ac inenarrabili reples amore, ut delicias amanti delectabilius foret tanti hospitis tam iocunda frui uisitacione, saltem per diei medium, super omnem amorem mulierum et totum orbem terrarum diuiciis repletum. Nec mirum cum sit de eternis gaudiis inicium aliquod, argumentum Diuine predestinacionis, et arra salutis perpetue, gratia gratum faciens et nomen nouum, quod non nouit quis nisi qui accipit, cui non communicat alienus a filiis Dei et filiabus.

John Whiterig, Meditacio ad Crucifixum, Chapter 20, fol. 14v



This last passage is remniscent of Jan van Ruusbroec's Sparkling Stone, on the little white stone with the new name which is given to us.



William Flete
(1383?)

William Flete's text, Remedies against Temptations, was known to and used by Julian of Norwich in her Showing of Love. A  miscellany at Cambrige University Library, containing this text, twice over, was likely compiled by the Benedictine nuns at Carrow Priory, Norwich, the dialect likewise identified by LALME as of Norfolk. Flete left Cambridge, where he had been a scholar, for Italy, July 1359, where he became spiritual director and executor to Catherine of Siena as an Augustinian Hermit at Lecceto. Eric (later Edmund) Colledge and Noel Chadwick published the text from Cambridge University Hh.I.ii, folios 100-116, in the difficult-to-obtain Archivio Italiano per la Storia della Pietá 5 (Rome, 1968). Only one Latin manuscript ascribes the text to William Flete, other versions generally being attributed wrongly to Richard Rolle or Walter Hilton. The text influences Walter Hilton, Ladder of Perfection, Julian of Norwich, Showing of Love, and the anonymous Chastising of God's Children. The work needs greater exposure as an essential part of Julian of Norwich's contemplative library, and as a book which was also to be recalled by Thomas More when imprisoned and awaiting death in the Tower of London, and to be copied out by his great granddaughter Dame Bridget More, O.S.B., Cambrai and Paris. Compare it with John Whiterig's Contemplating the Crucifixion. Like Boethius' Consolation of Philosophy, it is one of the 'golden books' of western civilization. These texts are medieval psychiatry. They are the cells of the understanding of one's self and God, phrases common to both Catherine of Siena and Julian of Norwich manuscripts. See Chaucer, 'Miller's Tale', The Canterbury Tales, I (A) 3421-3525, for John's consolation meted out to Nicholas who seems to have fallen into mental illness. In these texts, written for women, and here copied out by women, care is taken to use gender inclusive language, speaking, in the fourteenth and fifteenth century of 'men and women'. The letter þ (thorn) is the Middle English character for 'th', the letter 3 (yoch), the Middle English character for 'y, gh'. My thanks to Juliana Dresvina for making the text available to me for this transcription.



Catherine of Siena, 86K

Catherine of Siena, The Orcherd of Syon (Dialogo), London: Wynken de Worde, 1519




Here seweth a souereyn and a notable sentence to comforte a persone that is in temptacion.

Capitulum primum

ure merciful lord god chastyseth hese childirn and suffereth hem to ben tempted for many profytable skeles to here soule profi3te: and
þerfore ther schulde non man ne woman ben hevy ne sory for no temptacion. For Seint Jame the apostele thecheth vs þat we schulden haue wery gret joy quan we ben tempted with diuers temptacions. For as the goold is purged and pured be fier, and a knight in hard batail is proued good but if he suffre hym self to ben ouere come, right so is a man be temptacion preued for good but if he suffre hym self to ben ouere come, þat is to seye but if he consente ther to be deliberacion.

Soothly, quan a man is scharply tempted, he may thanne hopen of gret vertu, for Seynt Austynn seyth
þat þe perfeccion of euery vertu is for a man to be meche troubled with temptaciones, for euery vertu is proued be his contrary. Our enmy the fend is besy day and nyght to tarye and trauaylen goode men and women with diuers temptaciones, in doutes of the feythe, and dredes of sauacion, and other many mo in divers maneris, and specially now in these dayes he is ful besy to dysese and to disseyve mannes soule; and þerfore wysely reule 3ou to with stondyn the fend in eche fonndynge or vyolent temptyng of temptacion, and 3eve 3e no fors of alle his asawtes, of doughtes ne of dredis, ne of erroures ne of dyspit, ne of false lesynges ne of fantasies, ne of no maner trauaylynge of þe fend. Whether þou se hem, here hem or thynk hem, take non heed of hem, for they ben materis of grete mede, and no synne in no wyse, whether they ben trauelous or angwyschiouse þat comen of malice of þe feend. or of yuel disposicion of mannes complexion. And þerfore alle suche trauels men ou3ten nouth to charge, but suffren mekely and abyden pacyently, til god do remedye þerto; and for as moche as they ben materis of gret mede, no man aughte not to stryuen þer a3ens, ne merueyle of hem, ne seeke þe cause, ne þenk be quat skyle he is so traueiled. For þe more þat a man duelleth in sechynge and þenkinge of errouris and in angwyschis, þe more deepely he fallyth bothe in to errouris and in angwyschis.

And
þerfore, for as moche as a mannes þought is often veyn and diuers, and non ende hathe, it oweth not to ben charged ne to be taken heed off, ne a man schulde not angre hym self with all, ne blame ne arette it to his owne defaute þat he is so traueiled, for swiche trauailes ben peyneful and not synful, for as moche as þei been gretly ageyn his wil. Seynt Austyn seyth þat euery synne lyeth in wilful wil, and quat þat is a3ens a mannes wil it is not synne, and the holy doctour Ysodre, De Summo Bono, seyth þat þe fend tempteth a man no more þan god 3eueth hym leue. Þerfore lete vs alwey haue a good wil to wilne weel and to do wel, and god wil kepe vs and 3eue vs the victorye, and þe fend schal ben confounded. Feith and hope ben ground of al perfeccion and roote of al vertues: þerfore oure old enemy þe fend is ful besy with all his slyghtes to drawe þe soule doun þer fro. And it falleth somtyme þat þe fend tempteth and trauaileth a rightful soule so scharply þat it is ouere leid with care and dreuen to dispeir; al þat tyme, þou3 the soule perseyue it nought, it dwelleth stille in þe dreed and in the loue of god, and all þat trauaile is to his soule gret meede afore the sighte of god. For oure lord of his endles mercy arettiþ not to the soule that synne þat him self suffereth the fend to wirche in the soule; but quan we be oure oure owne wikkid wil fully don a3ens þe wil of god with deliberacion, þanne synne we, but quan we ben drawen with wykkyd vilenous þoughtes, and turmented with dispeir and thoughtes a3ens oure owne wil þurgh fondynge or violent temptynge of þe fend, we sufferen þeyne but we don no synne. And 3et þe sely soules knowliche is hid be þat turment.



francescacell

Santa Francesca Romana's cell in the corridor painted with the visions she had of evil spirits, from which her guardian angel, given her by her dead son, Evangelista, saved her



Capitulum secundum

ut often the temptynge of
þe fend, þat maketh þe soule to erre in feyth and to fantasye in dispeir, semeth gret synne to a manis soule, and is not so. For all holy doctoures seyn þat feith and hope ben vertues of a mannes wil, wherfore who so wolde rightfully beleue, he is in right beleue aforn god, and who so wold trustely hope, he is in trusty hope aforn god, þough he be neuere so moch trauailed with weerful thoughtes or doughteful. Þe apostle Seynt Poule seyth þat in a mannes wil is þe beleue of rightwysnes, of which wordes seyth þe glose þat al only in mannes wil, which may not be constreyened, lieth bothe meede and gylt. Þat is to seyn, a man aforn god hath neuere meede ne gylt for no dede, but only of tho dedes þat ben don wilfully.

But sumtyme mannes
þoughtes and womennes ben so trauailed and ouerleid that they knowen nought here owne wil; and þough it so be, thei auten not to care, for good dedes schewen alwey a good wil, and euele dedes yuel wil. Werefore a man þat doth in dede the seruice of god, þat man hath a good wil to god, þou3 his trauailouse herte deme the contrarye. Also þer schulde no creature demen his euencristen for no wers fantasyes or douteful, but if thei haue a very opyn knowynge of þat þinge for whiche thei schulen deme hem. Fore þer schulde non demen yuel of man ne woman for a thynge þat is oncerteyn or in weere or doute; and right so it is yuel and not skylfully don ony resonable creature to deme his owne soule in swich plyght, þat it were parted fro god for only wersum fantasies or douteful.

Capitulum tercium

nd if it so be
þat 3e have consentid and fallen in ony temptacion, beth sory, and crieth god mercy þerof, and beth not discomforted þerfore. Þenke wel on the grete mercy of god, how he forgaf Dauid his grete synnes, and Petir and Maudeleyn, and not only hem but also alle tho þat haue be or mow be and schulen ben contrite for here synnes and cryen god mercy.

Þerfore, sustir, fle to hym þat al mercy is jnne, and aske mercy, and 3e shuln haue mercy and forgeuenesse of alle 3oure synnes; and make you louly to þe sacramentis of holy cherche, and þanne 3e owen to beleuen trustily þat þei ben forgouen, and 3e receyued into grace of god. For god seyth hym self be his profete Ezechiel þat quan a synful man sorowth for his synnes he wele neuere more haue mynde þer of. And if a man may parceyue in his herte no verry sorwe, and þou3 he þenke quan he biddeth his bedes or cryeth to god for mercy þat he doth al a3ens herte, here fore schulde he not deme hym self graceles; for who so wold haue very sorwe for his synnes, in þe doom of god he hath very sorwe for his synnes, and who so wolde in herte crye god mercy veryly, he cryeþ god mercy veryly. For as I haue sayd afore, god taketh heed to mannes wil, and not aftir his trauelous fantasyes.

It is good
þat a man take non heed of all swiche trauelous fantasyes and steringes þat comen on this wyse, for god heydeth fro hem the knowleche for grete skeles, to here profy3te of soule. Suyche passyons is no synne, but mater of grace and of grete merite, and so þenke alwey. And if it be so that the temptacyons cesen not, but waxen alwey more and more, be not aferd, but sey somtyme among, in þe worchepe of god and in dispite of þe fend, 3oure crede, and knowlyche 3oure beleue and 3oure hope be mouthe, and þenk on þe wordes of Seynt Poule, þat seyth: Knowleche of mouth is don to helthe of soule. And thei mow not ben disseyued be the fendes wyles þat with a good avysement bothe and wil withstondeth þe feend; for was þer neuere man disseyued of þe feend withouten assent of his owne wil, and with suche a wil that is ful avysed and quemeful, with very assent of herte, for a wersum or douteful trauelous wil putteth not awey a man fro god.

Capitulum quartum

nd
þerfore þer schulde no man kare ne ben hevy þat he is so traueiled more þan another. Sister, alwey quan I speke of man in þis wrytinge, take it bothe for man and woman, for so it is ment in alle such writinges, for al is mankende. And forthermore as touchynge 3oure troubles, þenke 3e in alle 3oure diseses qwat troubles and diseses goddis seruantis have suffred, what peynes and quat tormentis þei haue had here in erthe in many sondre maneris, and 3e schal fynden cause to suffre. Leo þe pope seith þat it falleth somtime þat goode and righteful soules ben sterd be þe fend, and somtyme be sterynge of complexion to angres, troubles, taryenges and diseses of dredes, þat it semeth to hem her lif a torment, and here deth an ease, in so moche þat somtyme for disese þei begynnen to dispeire both of here lyf of body and of here soule. And thei wenen þat þei ben forsaken of god, whiche asayeth and proveth his chosen frendes be temptacyons and angres. But these fondynges or vyolent temptynge and angwischis ben but purgynges and preuynges of the soule, for as I sette and seyde at þe begynnynge of þis wrytynge, right as þe feir purgeth gold, and a knight also is preuyd good and hardy be bataile, right so temptacions and trubles preueth and pureth þe rightful man. This is preued wel be Thobie, for the angel Raphael seide to Thobie thus: For as moche as þou were righteful to god it was nedeful þat temptacion schulde preuen thi wil.

It is weel knowen
þat seknesse falleth to a man aftir the disposicion of his complexion, and Leo the pope seith þat the feend aspyeth in euery man in what wyse he is disposed in complexion, and aftir that dispocicion he tempeteth a man in his complexion; for ther as he fyndeth a man ful of humors of malencolie, he tempteth hym most with gostly temptacions. But þese, if thei wiln be meded of god, schape hem to pacyens, and seye thei with Job: Sethen we haue receyued of god benefetis, why schulde we not receyue and suffre disese. And þink on the disese þat oure lord Jesu Crist suffred hym self here on erthe, and suffred his blissed modir to haue also, and þenk weel also that 3e may not in þis frel world ben so free as aungel þat is conformed in grace; but while 3oure body and soule beth togydre in this lyf, 3e most receyuve troubles as well as esys. And þenke not þat god hath forsake 3ou, bur mekely abydeth the comfort of god, and dredles quan it veryly nedeth, 3e schul not failen þer of. For trusteth weel þerto, þat quan 3e felen 3ou in suche plyghte, þat grace is veryly with you.

But some men quan thei haue dredes of sauacion, or ben tempted to dispeir, or if thei haue ony vycious gostly sterynge or grete felynges of here owne frelte, thei wenen anon
þat thei haue synned in the holy gost; and þanne fend putteth in hem þat it may neuere ben forgouen, and þerfore thei may not be saued. Þus speketh þe fend with jnne hem. and afrayeth som sely creaturis þat þei wenen that thei schuln gon out of here mynde; but 3e þat ben þus tempted, answere þe fend a3en þat he is fals and a lyer: it his nature to ben soo. For the synne of þe holy gost as clerkes seyn is infenyte with owten repentaunce and þat is quan a man wilfully be deliberacion wole not ben repentaunt ne aske of god mercy ne for3eueness of his synnes, ne wole not be turned, but wilfully departeth hym from the godnesse of god, and in this wretchednesse abydeth wilfully with ful consentynge of wil, and leueth and deyeth þer inne. He þat dooth þus synneth in þe holy gost, which may not ben for3euen here ne elles where, for he wolde not truste in þe goodnesse of þe holy gost and aske for3eueness of his synnes; and a man þat wil no mercy aske may no mercy haue. This is infenyte, with outen repentaunce.

But þough a man or woman haue or feele alle
þe vycious sterynges and as many mo as ony herte kan
þenke, a3ens here owne free wil, and alwey quan reson cometh to hem, thei ben myspayed with al, and fleen alwey to goddys mercy, it is to hem but preuynge and clensynge of synnes, þou3 thei been often in the nyght and in the day now vp, now doun, as wrasteleris ben. And þou3 3e haue ony tyme vtturly fallen in ony synne gostly or fleshly, and lyen þer inne wilfuly be deliberacion and ful consent of herte, þanne beeth soory and aske god for3euenesse, and euere more þenke fully þat þe goodnesse of þe holy gost surmounteth al synnes þat euere were donn and euere schul be don. For þou3 oo man hade do alle the synnes þat euere were don and euer schullen be do, þou3t and seyd in to þe day of jugement, and he were wery contrite and asked god for3euenesse, and mekely lowned hym to þe sacramentis of holy cherche he schuld haue mercy and for3euenesse of all his synnes.

Þe mercy of god is so gret þat it passeth alle his werkes, and þou3 sometyme 3e heren speke or reede in bokes sharpe wordes and harde sentencys, comforteth 3oure self, and þenke weel þat alle swiche harde wordis ben seyd and wretyn to chasteise synneres, and to with drawe hem from wikkednesse, and also to purge and pure goddis specials, as is the metal in furneys, and of hem god wil make his hous. And wete it weel, many wordis þat semen ful harde ben ment ful tendirly in good vndirstondyng; and þou some wordes ben ment harde as þe pleyn text spekyth, 3e shul not taken hem to 3ou ward, but þenketh in comforte of 3oure self þat alle harde sentens moun ben fulfillyd in the Jewis and Sarasyns. For the cristen þat wiln ben contrite, and truste to goddis mercy, or haue a wil þat it were soo, thei schuln ascape alle perels, so þat þei schul not perishe bt be saued; and þe Jewes and Sarasyns in þo perils schuln perische to perdicion, for þei haue not the strenghte of baptym þe precyous oyntement of Crystes passyon, þat schulde to here soules 3eue lyf and heele.

Off
þis we haue gret exaumple and figure in holy writ, where þat Moyses ledde þe children of Israel, goddis people, ouere þe Rede See. Moyses went aforn hem and smot the watir with his 3erd, and þerwith the watir departyd, and the childern of Israel wentyn ouere saf and sound, and thei of Egypt perisheden and drounchen in the watir. Be Moyses I vndirstonde oure lord Jesu Crist, and be the 3erde that departed the water þat þe children of Israel wern not perisched. I vnderstonde his passyon, and be the children of Israel cristen peple.

A man
þat stondeth in disese, he is holden to seken alle þe weyes he may to comforte hym self. Oure lord Jesu Crist cam from his fadris bosom in to þis see of tribulacions and temptacions to be oure ledere: he goth beforn vs, and with his precyous passyon he smyteth awey the pereles of our tribulacions and temptacions, so þat we schal not perische, but it schal brynge vs to safte, þat is euere lastynge blisse; and þerfore synge we to hym þangkynges and herynges or preysynges as the childern of Israel deden.

And
þough a cristen man were neuere so wikkyd ne so synful, and stood in the same sentens of hardest wordes þat ben wretyn, 3et he schulde trusten to goddis mercy, for if he wolde forsaken his synnes and 3iue hym to good liff, he schulde haue grace and for3euenesse, and the scharpe wordes of dampnacion schulde turne hym to mercy and sauacion. For þus seyth oure lord god in holy wryt be his profete Jeremye: Þough I make gret thretes, I schal repente me of my wordes, if my people wil repenten hem of here synnes.

O behold the gret goodness off oure lord, and how pyte constreyneth hym, wurscheped and
þanked be he euere. He is so good and so benynge and so ful of mercy to the repentauntis þat he chaungeth his sentensis fro scharpe vengeance in to for3euenesse, and of þe peynes 3eueth aleageances. He seyth also be his profete Ezechiel: I schal for3eten þe synnes of ony man þat with wery contricion wil drawen hym to goode: and þis great mercy schewed our lord openly be the cyte of Niniue, and also be king Ezechie. Þerfore dispeir no man for synne, but alwey trust fully to goddis mercy þat so weel kan redresse alle our myscheues, and turne alle oure woo to wele and our sorwe in to joye.

O
þou glorious myghteful god, þat þus merueilously werkest in thy creaturis, quat þi mercy is brod and large þat maketh þe to chaunge thi sentence, which is thi wil and thi word. Blessed be þou good lord, in all thyn holy vertues, for thou kanst, mayst and wilt turne and chaunge alle oure infirmitee to our beste if we wele vs self flee to þi goodnesse and asken mercy.

But god forbede
þat ony man schulde ben the more bolde or necgligent to synne wilfully or wytyngly be deliberacion for oure lord is so mercyful; for I dar sauely seyn þat euery creaunt soule and curteys wil be the more loth to offenden hym. But 3e that ben tempted a3ens 3oure wil, and wolde not be 3oure good will for alle þe world displesen god wilfully, but ben yled and taryed with peynful þoughtes, beeth not afered of þe fend ne of his affrayers. He is foule discomfited quan he seeth a man or a woman whiche he temptetch is not aferd of hym. Somtyme þe fend cometh and temptetch a soule fiersly like a dragon. Somtyme he assaileth a soule rampandly lyke a lyon. But and a man strenghte hym self sadly in þe goodnesse of god, and arme hym in his precyous passyon, an hundyryd feendis, how euere thei come, schul haue nomore poure ouere hym than haue as many flyes or knattis. And therfore strenght 3ou alle in god, and eschewe 3e not and beeth not abaysched to strengthe and arme 3ou in hym þou3 3e bee synful; for he seyth hym self in the gospel that he cam for þe synful. Also in a nother place of þe gospel he seyth that he cam for mercy and not for vengeance. He cam, þe good lord, to be oure scheld and oure strengthe, and so lete vs homly with a meke herte take hym.

And if 3e fele 3et ony dredis be ymagynacion or temptacion, or for wordes
þat 3e haue herde or haue rede in bokes, be þe whiche 3e dowte of sauacion, þanne þenketh on tho wordes þat crist hym self taughte to a man þat doutyd and asked of oure lord who schulde be saued, for hym þoughte hym selfe it was ful hard to eschewe all þe poyntes þat leden to perdicion; and oure lord seyd to hym: Crede in deum patrem omnipotentem. Beleve, seyd oure lord Jesus, þat god þe fader is al myghtyful, as who seyth, there is no þing impossible to god, but alle is possible to hym þat alle synnes may for 3eue and alle wronges redresse, and bryng soules to his blisse. And þerfore þenk wel þat his myght may do alle þinge, and his wisdom kan, and his goodnesse wole, and trusteth fully þerto he wole saue 3ou and brynge 3ou to his euere lastynge joye, quan he seeth beste tyme for 3ou. For he hath bought 3ou þerto ful dere with his precious blod and peyneful deth; and I dare safly seye þat þer is non so synful a caytef þat is cristen or wolde be cristen þis day on erthe, and þough he were for synne in the seyght of god dampnable, and in the sighte of alle creaturis also, 3ha and were juged to be dampned be alle scripture, and he wolde for sake his synne and be contrite and asken god for3eueness, he schuld haue mercy and for3euenesse of hym, and if he stode soo or hadde a good wil to stonde soo in þe tyme of deth, he schulde be saued.

The myghte and
þe mercy of god is so moche and so gret þat it surmounteth alle his lawes and judgementis and alle scripture; and so oure lord Jesu scheweth vs be an exaumple in the gospell of þe woman þat was founden in avouterye. By Moyses law, þat was ordeyned of god, shuld haue be stoned, but þe myght and þe wisdam of god schewed to þe Faryseyes here owne synnes þat accused here, so þat þei myght not for schame demen here, but stolen awey oute of þe temple, and oure lord Jesu demed here not, but he of his gracious mercy for 3af  here alle here synnes. And þerfore be a man or a woman neuere so synful, and þou3 thei fele neuere so many bodyly and gostly synnes al day rysynge and styringe with inne hem, thei schulden neuere the rathere dispeire of þe mercy of god ne be discumforted, for þer as meche synne is, þere is meche mercy and grace, and the goodnesse of god knowe, þat is to seye in the for3euenesse of synne, quan a man turneth hym from synne and is very contrite.

But god schilde, as I seyde afore,
þat ony creature be the more recheles or bold to synne wilfully; but for þe mercy of god is so large, we owen to ben the more besy and diligent to loue and plese god, for þat he is so good and so ful of mercy. God werketh lyke a good lyche, for a lyche suffereth somtyme the dede flesh to growe on hym þat he hath in cure, but aftirward he taketh awey the dede flesh and maketh the qwyk flesh to growe, and so he heleth þe man. Right so doth oure lord, þat is euere ful of benyngnyte, and is makere of heuene and erthe, blissed and þanked mote he be. He suffreth somtyme a man or a woman to falle in dedly synne, but aftirward of his gret pyte and mercy he putteth to his hond of grace, and hem þat weren dedly wounded þoru3 synne, he heleth hem and washcheth away here synnes in þe welle of his mercy, and maketh in hem the quik vertues to growe, wher þoru3 he 3eueth hem lyfe.

Oure lord god is also like a gardener, for a gardener suffereth somtyme wikked wedys to growen in his gardeynn, and whanne the erthe
þoru3 reyn is moyste and tendre, he taketh awey the wedys bothe rote and rynde. And in the same wyse doth oure good lord. He suffereth somtyme in his gardeyn, whiche is manis soule, wikked wedis of synne growe, but quan the hert wexeth tendre be meknesse, and moyste þoru3 contricion, oure benynge lord taketh awey þanne alle þe synnes bothe rote and rynde, and planteth and setteth in his gardeyn goode herbes and frutes of good vertues, and wattereth hem with þe dewe of his blissed goodnesse, where þoru3 thei schal come to euere lastynge blisse, joye and reste.

Now sethen
þat oure lord god is so good, so piteuouse and so mercyful to synneris þat wilfully haue offende hym in gret horryble synnes, ful moche more, as 3e may weel wete, he is mercyable and hath pyte and compassyion of a soule þat is a3ens his wil taried with trubles and temptacion, but oonly þat god suffereth hem to be so wexed for helthe of here soules.

And
þerfore, suster, be not douteful ne hevy, for it schal neuere turne 3ou to perell, but it schal turne 3ou to gret profyte, for ther by 3e schal wynne the crowne of worchip and þe palme of victorie, whiche schal ben to 3ou gret worchip and glorie in the blisse of heuene þou3 þe þank þat 3e schuln haue of oure lord god for 3oure with stondynge of such temptacions and for your pacyens if 3e taken it mekely, and to þe fend it schal turne to schame and confusion. And þou3 it seme 3ou somtyme þat 3e feele a discord betwyn god and 3ou, be not þerfore discomfortid, for þus seyth oure lord be þe profyte Ysaie: A lytel while I haue for seken the, and in a moment I haue hyd my face fro the, but I schal gadere the a3en in many mercyes, and I schal haue mercy on the, and that mercy schal euere last.

Capitulum quintum

nd 
þerfore grutche no man a3ens the will of god, ne merueile not of þese maner of temtacions, for the more a man or woman is tempted in this maner or in ony other maner a3ens here wil, and thei with stonden it, þat is to seye not with a quemeful wil consentynge þerto, but mekely suffereth it, þe more thei ben sadded in good vertues and profyten in the syght of god, þou3 it be hyd fro hem.

But parauenture quan 3e stonden scharply tempted, 3e
þenken þat 3e ben to dulle and to necgligent in goostly exercyse, for þoru3 weiknesse of 3oure spirit þat is for traueiled 3e seme þat 3e haue in wil consentyd to swyche temptacions as 3en ben tempted with. But it is not soo, for 3e schuln vnderstonde þat euery man or woman hath too willis, a good wil and an yuel wil. Þe yuel wil cometh of the sensualite, the whiche is euere dounward enclynynge to synne, and þe good wil cometh of graces, þe whiche is alwey vpward enclynynge to alle goodnesse. And whiles þat 3e haue alwey whanne resoun cometh to 3ou, a good wil to de weel, and ben myspayd with all yuele þoughtes and sterynges þat 3e feele and wolde neuere feele ne don other þanne in the wil of god, þou3 suche wikked þoughtes and sterynges come among in to 3oure herte, and be gret violens of scharpnesse of trouble and disese 3e ben enclyned to the wil of þe sensualite,  3et do 3e it not ne 3e consente not þerto, but it is þe sensulaite þat dooth it in 3ou, and 3oure good wil stondeth stille in 3ou onbroke, þou3 the cloudes of yuel þoughtes stoppe awey 3oure syghte fro þe felynge of youre good wil, as 3e may se be exaumple of the sonne. The sonne schyneth alwey and is in his due place, as weel quan we seen it noght as whanne we seen it; but the reyny cloudes stoppen away our syghte, þat we may not seen it in suche tyme as reyny cloudes ben. And so it fareth be þoure good wil, which stondeth alwey be goddis grace vnbroken in 3ou, þou3 3e fele it noght for trauaileuse þoughtes that benymeth þe sighte of youre knowleche.

O yet goddis childern þat scharply ben vexed with tribulacions and temptacions, comforte 3e 3ou in 3oure benynge fadir,
þat seyth to 3ou in holy writ be his profete: My childern, þou3 3e go in the feir, drede 3ou not, for the flaume schal not dere 3ou, as who seyth, 3e my chyldern þat ben cristen peple and in good wil to do weel, þou3 3e go in the feer of tribulacion and temptacion, drede 3e not, for it schal be arettid to you for no perel of soule, but þoro3 my goodnesse and the merites of my passyon, it schal turne to 3ou to gret helpe and profyte of soule.

Þe maner of alle these temptacions, and the remedies þer a3ens, scheweth oure sauyour to his apostle Seynt Petir in þe gospel wher he seyth þus: Petir, Sathanas asketh þat he myghte sifte the as who sifteth whete. In as muche þat Sathanas asked this, it schewed weel þat þe fend had no myght to tempte þe seruaunt of god in suche troubles but be his suffraunce; and þat was openly schewed in the fondyngis or temptyngis of Job, and that he wolde haue syfted hym as who sifted whete. Taketh kepe: þe more þat whete is cast fro syde to syde in a seve, the more clene it is; right so, þe more þat a man or woman is traveiled with the fend a3ens here wil, þe more clene thei ben aforn god, and here be we lerned openly þat god suffereth not his seruauntes to be tempted but for here beste, be so þat þei schape hem to withsonte the fend as goddis derlyngis schulden do.

But for as myche as no man may with stonde
þe fend withouten the helpe of god, þerfore of his helpe he maketh vs sekir and seyth thus: I haue preyed for the, þat þi feyth faile þe nouth. And there þat a man fyndeth in his herte a good paciens redily to suffren all diseses makely for goddis sake and for his loue, not takynge heed of alle the fendis temptacions and traueles þat man þoru3 the myght and þe grace of Crist berith doun þe fend, and he hym self preued ther with. And to suche men oure lord seyth þis: Þou þat art thus turned to god in pacyence, but if þou helpe to counceil and conferme thi brethern and teche hem to suffre as the grace of god hath tau3t þee, ellis þou art onkende. Salamon seyth þat oo brother is a myght a3ens the fend, and þerfore thei that ben sorweful and scharply traueiled, quan thei haue herd the good counceil of her brother or suster, thei owen to taken comfort to hem and sey these wordes with Dauid: O þou my soule, why art þou so drery, and why troubelest þow me soo, truste fully to good god þat is ful of mercy, and to hym I knowleche þat hym I schal serue, be I neuere so myche traueiled ne trubled.

And suche men
þat þus ben traueiled and taried with scharpe peynful þoughtes and sterynges, thei owen to taken the councel and techynge of wys men þat ben goode and discrete, and be no weye þat thei folwe here owne wielde fantasyes, for þat wold vttirly schende hem. And in the mene tyme of suche troubles, þei musten 3eu hem to som good li3t occupacion, and somtyme to redynge and syngynge the seruyse of god, and to other good dedes, and euere among preyenge to god of helpe, and þat he sende hem strenghte and pacyence. And þou3 thei fynde in hem self no maner of swetnesse ne sauour oto goddis seruise, 3et thei owten not to care ne ben heuy þerfore, for it is jnow to helthe of mannes soule þat he wolde haue reste and swetnesse in the seruise of god. For in the doom of god, the wil stondeth as for dede, and so seyth holy wryt, which may not ben ontrewe, þat every good wil is acceptid as for dede. Seynt Bernard seyth þat somtyme god with draweth deuocion fro preyer to make the preyer the more medful. God wold be serued somtyme in bitternesse and somtyme in swetnesse, and both to we musten mekely receyue. And Aristotil seyth a resoun, þat with the more and hardere trauueile þat vertues ben goten, þe bettir it arn and þe more þank wurthy. But the soule is more trauailed with heuynesse of herte and vnlykynge to serue god þanne whanne a man is in good lykynge and ful swetnesse and reste of soule, wherfore dredeles it is the more medeful. It was no maystrye for Seynt Petir, quan he saw oure lord Iesu on the hyl in blisse to seye: Lord, it is good vs to dwelle here; but aftirward quan he saw hym amongis his fomen tormentid, a womans word mad hym afered and soo sore in dreed þat he seyde he know hym not. But aftir þat, quan he was confermed þoru3 the myght of the holy gost, þer was no turment in erthe, ne kynge ne prince, þat myghte make hym aferd. Right soo, if a man be in swetnesse and reste of herte, it is no maystrye to seruen god, but it is no maystrye quan a man is traveiled and oute of reste to seruen hym. But qwat trauayle that a creature haue in the seruyce of god, if a mannes wil be good, and wolde þat it were weel, þe more mede he schal haue. And if a man wolde suffre pacyently til he aftir trauailes be strengthed of the holy gost, þer schulde no fend in hell haue myght to affere hym not gretly. And þou3 it be longe or he feele comfort, lete hym not drede, for oure mercyful sauyour woteth wel what tyme comforte is most nedeful to hym, and thanne fayleth he nought. And þerfore lete hym trusten weryly þat it is al for his beste, þou3 þat he knowe not goddis abydynge.

Somtyme the feelynge of swetnesse and of comfort is with drawen from a man, for ellis he schulde waxen proud and presumptuouse, or necgligent and recheles in vertues; and
þerfore it is withdrawen for the beste to helthe of his soule. And also hardenesse and scharpnesse sent to a creature is ful profitable to the soule, for Seynt Augustyn seyth þus in techynge of vs alle, þat þe manere of god is, þat quan a man is feble and newly turned to hym, to 3eue hym pees and swetnesse, and soo to stable hym in his lawe and loue; but quan he is stabled and sadly set and grounded in loue, þan suffereth he hym to be al to trauailed for twoo skylles. Oon is to preue hym, and to crowne hym þe more hy3e in the blisse of heuene, and another is to purge hym of his synnes in this world that he in no wyse be longe from hym in þe tother worlde.

Capitulum sextum

nd for as myche as many men kunne not in tyme of temptacion ne woln not see it, but ben sory and dredeful of complexion,
þerfore to alle suche men thre thynges ben nedeful. The firste is þat thei be not myche alone. The secunde is þat thei þenke not ne seche no þing deeply, but fully reule hem, as I seyde afore, be som good discret persone; and þou3 it come in to here herte and mynde þat þei schuld be lore or in perell, þou3 þei wold beholde here counsell, thei owen to taken non heed to suyche þou3tis and sterynges, ne charge hem. Take thei non heed of suyche ymagynacions or sotyl conseytes, for it may neuere turne hem to dampnacion, the counseil of wise men þat is 3ouen to hem for here sauacion. God seyth in the gospel þat if þe menynge be good of a manis purpose, þe dede is good. The thredde remedy is this, þat for as myche as the fend traueileth faste to make a man dredful and sory, þanne þat he to þe worchip of god and in troust of his helpe, and to schame and confusion of the fend and right in dispyct of hym, þat he strengthe hym self to be glad and mery, þou3 it be a3ens herte. And drede no þing the fendis malice, for þe lasse gladnesse that a man fyndeth in his herte, þe more mede he is worthy, so þat he strengthe hym self to be glad and mery to the worchep of god and dispitte of þe fend. For holy writ seyth þat þe aposteles 3eden awey mery and glad quan the Jewes, goddis enemyes, hadden schamfully beten hem.

Also a man oweth to be glad, quan the fend tempteth and turmenteth hym, for three skelles. The first is
þat he is turmentid of goddis enemy. The secunde for in suche tormentis and temptynge the fend scheweth þat he is ful his enemy and þerfore oweth euery man to be glad þat goddis enemy is his enemy. And the threde is for be suche tormentis a man is not only relesed of the peynes of purgatory, but also it maketh hym to wynne heuene blisse to his meede. Jesu seyth in the gospel: Blissed be thei þat sufferent persecucion for rightwysnesse for here is þe kyngdom of heuene.

Capitulum septimum

lso oure olde enemy the fend and serpent is often tymes aboute to begyle mannes soule in many sondre maneris. He cometh somtme vndir
þe colour of goodnesse to disseyuen hem þat fayn wold don wel; and specyally of the thingis I wele speke of.



How the Blessed Francesca met the Evil One disguised as her Patron, Saint Onofrio


On is this,
þat þou3 a creature, man or woman, be neuere soo wel ne so ofte schreuen and in reste of soule, þe fend maketh hem to beleve þat þei ben not wel schreuen, and alle he doth to brynge þe soule to heuynesse. And somtyme þe fend be to myche trauayle and noi3aunce maketh a man fully to for3ete som thing þat he wolde seye, and þanne he maketh þe soule oute of reste tyl he bee eftesones shreuen; and þis doth he not for he wolde þat a man were often shreuen, but fully to entarye hym, and to maken hym beleue þat he were out of grace and blyndet for synne, and þerfore he myghte not maken hym self clene.

The secunde gyle vndir colour of goodnesse
þat the fend tempteth with is þis. Whanne somme men or women haue be custom good sterynges and deuoute þou3tes and felyngis of meditacions and of contemplacions, of suyche parauenture as ben solatarye, he wele þanne tempte hem to lothe here dyuyne seruyse that thei ben bounden in, or werysom, and make hem to ben heuy and weersum to do it, for he steryth hem to wene þat it were best and more plesynge to god to folwe here owne werkynges with inne foorth of þinkynges and felynges, þanne for to sey þat þei ben bounden to, þat at some tyme thei ben so trauailed and troubled to and fro þat thei weten neuere whiche syde is best to take. And þis 3e may weel wete is þe fend, for alwey he cometh with taryengis, or with false plesaunce, and þis doth he not for thei schulde occupye hem highely in contemplacion or in goode meditacions, but for he wolde lette and disturbe hem þerfro, and also he wolde maken hem vttirly to leue þe seruyse of god þat þei ben bounden to.

The thredde colour of gyle
þat he tempteth with is þis. Whanne a man or a woman 3eueth hym to honest solace, to strenghte hem self with a3ens the fendis tormentis in comfort of his owne soule, þanne the fende wele stere hym to haue consciens þerof, and putteth in here hertis þat alle suyche disportys is but synne and vanyte. And somtyme he wole bryng to here mynde herfore don synnes, for to tary hem; this he doth for to drawe here hertis to heuynesse, for thei schulde no comforte haue, but al care and trouble, and so to tempte hem to dispeir and to bitter þou3tis. But the remedyes of these temptacions ben þese.

As vnto
þe firste, þat þe feend tempeth a man or woman, þou3 thei ben neuere soo wel schrewen hem semeth þat þei ben not wel schrewen, but alwey dou3ten þat it is not aright doon, or some is for3ete which thei seen nought; but take þei right non heed of suyche þoutis, no more þan þei wolden of a gnatte that fleeth before here face, but þenken fully it is þe feend to lette and distrouble pees in here soule. And if so bee þat a man somtyme þoru3 trauelouse þou3tes for3eteth som þing of charge þat he wolde haue seyde, þanne schape a tyme and be confessed þer of; and if he may not ly3tly haue his confessour, þenke þat he wolde ben confessed þerof quan he may haue his goostly fadir, and in the mene tyme crye god mercy, and aske hym for3euenesse of all his traspace, and troust fully it is for3ouen. For a man is not so redy to asken for3euenesse and mercy, þat 3et oure mercyful lord of his grete goodnesse is more redy to 3eue it hym.

And as touching the secunde temptacion,
þat the feend wolde lette and forbarre a man fro his dyuyne seruyse þat he is bounden to, and tempteth hym vtterly to leue it, is þat he be þanne þe more diligent to seye it weel and deuoutly, with grete reuerence and right good avysement or attendaunce, and if he seye his seruyse alone, he may quan deuoute þou3tes comen, or loue with swetnesse vysyteth hym, or some hi3 visitacioun of the holy gost toucheth hym, he may stynte of his seruyse for the tyme, and attend to þat, and aftir þat seye forth so þat his seruyse be not lefte undoon ne vnseyde. And if he doth þus, it schal ben but lytel lettynge to his due seruyse, but he schal fnde comfort and eese þerinne; and þou3 it lette hym at oo tyme, it schal supporte hym another tyme.

Þe thredde temptacion is þis. Whanne a man in comendable tyme 3eueth hym to honest companye and solace in strenghtynge of his soule, the feend putteth in his mende and maketh hym beleue þat it is synne and perel to hym; and not oonly þis, but also his olde synnes afoore don he putteth to his mende for to tarye hym. But alle 3e þat ben taryed þus of the feend with þese þou3tes and sterynges, beleue hem not ne charge hem not, for alle þing þat is treuly groundyd in god, it pleseth god and not displeseth. Þerfore goddis seruaunties musten alwey grounden hem weel in god, and don be þe counseil of holy cherche, and if thei don so, þei schuln neuere be disseyued. And in as myche as all þing hath tyme in goddis seruyse, a man au3te to tende to no þing, be it neuere so good, þat schulde lette him fro goddis seruyse.

And also a man
þat is traueiled and taketh hym to solace in dispyt of þe fend, he ou3te not þat tyme tende to þat thing þat wolde tarye hym, but he oweth to schape hym a tyme to crye god mercy and aske for3euenesse of al his trespas and synne. Þanne ou3te he to taken to mynde þat þe firste mynde was but a taryenge of þe feend; for he þat is endeles good schuldd rather stere a man to þenke on his synne in helpe of his lyf þanne in taryenge of his lyf and of his soule.

Capitulum octauum

lso
þe feend is ful besy to men and women of tendir conscyens, to brynge in hem so myche errour þat thei wene þing that is no synne or parauenture is weel done semethe to hem synne, and of a venyal synne maketh it to seme greuouse as dedly synne, and of þing of no charge maketh it to seme as thou3 it were don in dipiste of god or of his seyntis.  And somme the enemy the fend tarieth so gretly þat what euere thei doo or leue to do, thei ben so byten in conscyens þat þei kan no whilte to gydir haue reste in hem self; and alle this the fend doth þoru3 fals dreed and blynd conscyens. But þe remedy of þis temptacion and of all other is þat þei gouerne hem be here confessour, or be some good discret persone, and rule hem fully aftir hym, and not aftir here owne blynde mysruled consciens.  For suyche a man as is þus taryed, if he folwe his owne conscyens, it were a gret pryde þat he wolde holden his owne wit betyr than the trewe loore of holy cherche. Þerfore a man þat wolde don soo muste nedes fallen in to gret errouris of þe feend and in to his handys; and if suyche an errour of conscyence made be the enemy seye on to 3ou þat other men feele not þat þat 3e feele, and þerfore thei kunne not deme ne 3eue 3ou good remedye þerto, and þerfore 3e muste folwe 3oure owne fantasyes, or ellis 3e þenken that 3e schuln be lore, take 3e non heed of this þou3t and steryng, ne of no suyche fantasyes þat comen in to 3oure herte, ne charge hem not. But putteth awey all suyche errouris of consciens as faste as thei comen to mende; lete him lightly go, and if ony seye þat þei may not putten hem awey, thei seye not right, for who so is in wil to do awey a fals conscience and errour, to fore god it is alwey, þou3 þer leue in hym neuere so many fals domes. And therfore þou3 a man haue neuere so many teryenges a3ens his wil in his consciens, he dare not drede hym, for dredeles god schal euere comforte hym or he deye; and þe lengere that he suffereth suyche taryengis, the more is he worthy in the syghte of god.

Capitulum nonum

nd
þou3 the feend putte in 3ou ony þou3t of dispeir, or maketh 3ou to þenke þat in the our of death 3e schuln haue suych yuele þou3tes and sterynges, and þanne 3e ben but lore, beleue hem not ne charge it not, but answere hym þus, þat 3e haue put fully 3oure trouste in oure lord god, and þerfore þou3 he tempte 3ou with ony temptacions, þou3 the myght of god and merites of his passyon it schal be no perel to 3ou of soule, but to hym it schal turne to schame and confusion. And if ony creature, man or woman, seie to 3ou ony bytynge woord or wordes of discomfort, taketh it mekely and paciently, and þenketh þat perauenture it is don þoru3 temptacion of the fend to distroblen 3ou and lette 3ou, or it is a chastysyng of god for som word or for dede þat 3e haue don or seyd. For oure lord god dooth lyke a lovynge modir: a louynge modir that is wys and weel tau3t, sche wole þat here childern be vertuouse and weel norisched, and if sche may knowe only of hem with a defau3te, sche wole 3eue hem a knocke on the heed, and if thei don a gret defua3te, sche wole 3eue hem a buffet vndir the chekes and if thei don a gretere trespas, sche wole bylasche hem scharpely. Þus doth god, that is oure louynge fadir þat al vertue and goodnesse cometh fro. He wole þat his specyal and his chosen chyldern ben vertuouse and weel tau3t in soule, and if thei don a defaute, he wel knocke hem on the heed with suyche wordis of displeasaunce and of discomfort. And if thei doo a gret defaute he wole 3eue hem a buffet with gret scharpenesse in sondry maneris, aftir þat the sundry defautys ben; and if thei don grettere trespaces, he chastyseth hem ful scharpely with gret duresses. And alle þis oure good lord dooth for a specyall loue, for he hym self seyth þat tho þat he loueth he chastyseth. O treuly, and we token good keep of these wordes, we wolden be gladdere of his chastysyngis þan of alle the worldes cherysynges; and if we deden soo, alle diseses and trybulacions schulden turne to comfort and joye.

But it is ful hard in tyme of scharpenesse, quan a soule stondeth naked fro alle goostly and bodyly cimfort, to take and fynde joye in disese. But
þei þat stonden in suyche inward duresse, thei must seke, in all weyes of discomfort, how þei mowe comfort hem self in god, and þenke alwey þat it is for here beste. And trusteth fully þat god sent neuere chastysyng, þat he ne sent comfort, be long tyme or be schort, where þoru3 he brengheth hem oute of here disese. Þe profete seyth: Many ben the trivulacions of rightful men, and of all þo god schal deyueren hem.

And
þou3 3e fele somtyme steryingis of dispeir, or of vnkendely and onreuerent þou3tes, comforte 3ou euere more in the goodnesse of god, and in the peyneful passyon þat his manhod suffered. And for as moche as þe feend tempteth many to desperacions and dreedis of sauacion, and specyally goddis seruauntes, and also worldly men and women the feend tempteth hem to dispeir quan þei beholden here greuous synnes, and the goostly lyueris he tempteth to dispeir be inputtynge of false dreedys and streyt conscience, and be deep ymagynacion of predestinacion, and in moo sondry wyses than I kan telle, and ful graciously god hath comforted and sent comfort to many that with dispeir hath be trauayled,  and amongis al tho þat god hath comforted and broute oute of þat errour. I am steryd to telle of oone of hem, which was a squier þat hi3te John Homeleis.

Narracio

his squier
þat I haue named had ben a synful man, and soo at þe laste þoru3 the beholdynge of his synnes and be the feendes temptacions, he feel in to dispeir, soo deeply and so greuously that he had ny lost his mynde; and thus he was traueiled fourty dayes, þat he myght neyther slepe ne ete, but wasted awey and was in poynt to spille hym self. But good god, þat is ful of pyte and mercy, wolde not haue hym lore, and on a day, as he in ful grete sorwe walked in a wode alone, an aungel came to hym in fourme of a man, and saluted the squier ful goodly, and talked with hym. Þanne seyde the aungel to hym: Þou semest, seyde he, a man ful of heuynesse and sorwe. Telle me, I prey the, what causeth thi disese. Nay seyde the squier, it is not the to telle. 3is, seyde the aungel, þou wost neuere how weel I may helpen the and thi disese remeue. A man schulde, sayde þe aungel, alwey in discomfort and heuynesse discouere his hert to somme creature þat myght ese hym, for þoru3 good counsel, he myght, seyde þe aungel, recouere bothe to comfort and to heele, or in sum wyse haue good remedy. Þe squier answarde þe aungel a3en, and seyde þat he wiste weel that he cowde not ne myght not helpe hym, and therfore he wolde no3te telle hym. This squier wende alwey þat this aungel hadde ben an erthely man, and he dreede þat if he had tolde hym, he wolde a3enward haue seyde som word þat schulde vtterly haue disesed hym; and quan the aungel si3 þat he wolde be no weye tellen hym, he seyde to hym in this wyse: Now, seide he, sethen þou wilt not telle me thi greuaunce. I schal tellen it the. Þou art, seyde the aungel, in dispeir of thi sauacion, but truste fully þou schalt be saued, for the mercy of god is so gret þat it passeth alle his werkes and surmounteþ all synnes. It is sooth, sayde the squier, I wot weel þat god is mercyful, but he is rightful also, and his rightwysnesse must nedys punysche synne, and therfore I drede his rightwysnesse in iugementes. The aungel answered hym a3en, and tolde hym many exaumples, how god ful graciously is mercyful to synners: but this squier of whom I telle was soo deeply fallen in heuynesse and in dreed that he kowde take no comfort of thing that he seyde. Þanne spake the aungel to hym and seyde: O, seyde he, quat þat þou art hard of beleue; but wilt þou haue an open schewynge þat þou schalt be saued, seyde þe aungel to the squier. I haue here thre dises þat I wole throwe, and þou schalt throwe, and who so hath most on þe dises, sekirly he schal be saued. A, seyde the squier, how myght I in þrowynge of dyses be in certeyn of my sauacion; and helde it but a iape. The aungel þrewe the dyses, and had on euery dee vpward syxe; and he had þanne the squier þrowe the dyse. O, seyde he, certis þat dar I not, for I wot wel, þou3 I caste the dise, mo þanne þou hast cast schulde I not haue and if I hadde lesse þan þou hast, I schulde vtterly falle in discomfort. But soo þe aungel spak, þat at þe last the squier threwe the disc, and in the þrowynge be goddis myght euery dee claf atweyne, and on eche dee was sixe, and so he hadde the double þat þe aungel hadde. And as he merueiled vp on this, þe aungel vanyschid oute of his syght. Þo wiste he wel it was aungel sent of god to brynge hym oute of his wo. And þanne he cau3te so gret comfort and ioye in þe mercy of god, and in þe goodnesse of his grace, þat alle his sorwes and dredis wenten clene awey, and he becam þanne goddis seruaunt, and was a blissed leuere, and quan he schulde departen fro þis world, he diuysed þat whanne he was deed, þere schulde be leid up on hym a ston wreten with þese wordes aboute þat folwen: Here lieth John Homeleis, þat of þe mercy of god may seyn a largeis. I knew a wurchipful persoone that was in the same abbey here in Ingelond there as he lyeth, þat redde up on hym the wordes aforn seyde.

Now
þanne sethen oure mercyful lord god, þanked and worchepid mote he bee, sent þus goodly comfort to þis man, þat was a worldly synful man, and receyued hym to his grace, and brou3te hym oute of dispeir, þer schulde no man ben heuy ne discomforted, þou3 he fele temptacions of dispeir, for hardily god wole comforten hym whanne he seeth tyme. And þou3 he sende not to a man comfort anon, it is for to eerne hym the more mede. And þenke alwey, quan 3e feele ony temptacions bodyly or goostly, that 3e stonden in the blissynge of holy cherche, for holy write seyth: Blyssed be thei þat suffren temptacions, for whanne þei ben preuyd, thei schuln taken þe crowne of lyfe, the which god hath behi3t to them that louen hym.

Capitulum decimum

 3e childern of holy cherche,
þat haue for saken the world for helthe of youre soules, and principally to plesen god, comfort 3e in in hym whom 3e haue chosen to loue and serue, for he wole ben to 3ou ful free and large, as 3e may see be exaumple of Petir in the gospel, where þat he asked oure lord Iesu what reward he schulde haue þat had forsaken alle þing to folwe hym; and oure lord answered hym and seyde that he schulde iugen with hym þe twelue tribis or kynredis of Israel at þe day of jugement. And ferthermore oure lord seyde also to hym þat all, not only on or too or somme, but he seyde þat alle þo that forsaken for his loue kyn or frendes or possessiones, þat is to seyn hous or lond or ony other worldly good, þe schuln hauen here in þis lyfe an hundirt fold mede and blisse with outen ende.

Þerfore, suster, caste awey all fals dredis that wolde disturbele and lette 3ou fro loue and hope in god, for no þing pleseth so moche þe feend as to see soules with drawen hem fro goddis loue, and þerfore he bysyeth hym þer abouten day and nyght, to lette loue and disturble pees in mannes soule. And on the other syde, no thyng counfoundyth hym soo myche as dooth þe loue of god, to see a man to sette al his desyr þerto. But þenk not now as in discomfort, allas, I feele not that loue, I haue not þat loue þat is soo good, and so be youre owne ymaginacion falle in discomfort and heuynesse of herte, and þenk and deeme 3oure self lore; but put awey alle heuynesse and discomfort, and þenk weel it cometh of the enemye, þe feend, to entarye 3ou. Haueth a good wil to loue and to plese god, and prenteth wel þese woordis in 3oure herte, þat a good wil is acceptid as for deede in þe sight of god, and comforte 3ow alwey in þe name of Jesu. For Jesu is as moche to seie as sauyour: þenketh weel þer vp on, and haue it weel in mynde, and his passyon and also his holy vertues, for no þing schal put awey so soone alle þese veyne dredis and temptacions and alle maner of fantasyes as forto haue weel in mynde þe name of Jesus, his passion and his glorious vertues.

Þese thre been scheld and spere, armure and strenghthe to dryue adoun the feend, be he neuere soo fersly aboute man or woman; and specyally to þenk on his gracyous vertues, how god þe fadir in hym is al dyuyne nature, in whom is al myght, to whom no thing is impossible but alle possibilite: and god the sone is al wisdam, that all þing made and all þing gouerneth: and god the holy gost is al loue and bounte, þat in a moment of tyme all synnes may for 3eve. Not thre goddis by oo god in thre persones, thre persones and oo god onl, in whom is al blisse and al glorye. He is so fair and bright schynynge that all aungell wondern of his bewte; his glorious blisful presence feedeth and ful filleth alle þe court of heuene with merthe and melodye that is euere lastynge. In hym is al benignyte, kepynge vs fro vengeaunce, in hym is al grace and gentilnesse, curtesie, freedam and largynesse, pite, mercy and for3euenesse, joye, sweetnesse and endeles helte. Suster, he is in alle oure tribulacions, quan we clepen on to hym, oure comfort, oure strength, oure helpe and oure soules helthe. Suster, this is 3oure spouse, whom 3e desyre to loue and plese. The gretnesse of his vertues, ne the multitude of his joyes whyche spredeth in to al þe court of heuene to hem þat ben þer inne, may non herte thenke, ne tunge telle the blisfulnesse of his presense may not be seyd ne wreten.

Joyeth therfore in oure lord Crist Jesu, for he hath bouth 3ou ful deere, to brynge 3ou to
þat blisse, and seith som tyme to hym with a meke herte: O holy god in whom is al goodnesse, whos pite and mercy made þe to descende fro thin hy3e trone, doun in to þis weylynge world, the valey of woo and wepyng, and heere to taken oure kynde, and in þat kynde þou peyne and passion and cruel charp deeth, to brynge oure soules on to thy kyngdom. Þou mercyful lord, for 3eue me all þe synnes þat I haue don, thou3t and seyd. Glorious trinite, sende me clennesse of herte and purete of soule, restore me with holy vertues and strengthe me with þi myght, þat I mowe alwey with stonden synne and all temptacions. O good lord, comforte me with thin holy gost, and  fulfille me with perfi3t grace, þat I may fro hens forth lyue vertuosly and loue þe with all my myght, with alle myn herte and with alle myn soule, and neuere to offende the, but euere to folwe thi plesyngis in wil, word, thou3t and dede. Graunte me this, god infinite þat eternaly schal dure. Amen.

Suster, if 3e don thus, I hope it schal doon you ese, and
þou3 3e fynde no maner of comfort ne swetnesse ne deuocion quan 3e wolde, be not þerfore discomforted, but suffereth mekely. Many ben þat stryuen with hem self as þou3 thei wolde haue swetnesse and deuocion be maistrie, and I sey 3ou, so wole it not come, but be mekenesse it wil sunnere be had, and þat is þus, þat a man holde hym self vnwurthy to haue ony swetnesse or comfort, and offere hym lowly to the wil of god, and put his wil fully in goddis wil. A man schulde not desyre to haue swetnesse and deuocion for his owne comfort and plesaunce, but purely for this entent, only to plese god, and to folwe his wil; and þerfore if we putte alwey oure wil in his wil, it suffiseth on to vs, whether we haue it or noon.

Somme also wenen, but if thei felen swetness and deuocion,
þat thei ben out of grace; but certeynly somme þat felen in hym self no swetnesse ne deuocion, þei ben in more grace than somme þat felen swetnesse and deuocion, and haue many comfortys, for betir were mekenesse with oute feelyngis than felyngis with outen mekenesse. Þerfore, suster, suffere mekely and pacyently what euere falleth to 3ou, and alwey haue a good wil to do as most were to þe plesynge of god: and quan ony discomfort cometh in 3oure herte be ymaginacions or be temptacions of the enemy, haueth tho wordes in 3oure mynde þat often ben seyd in this writynge, þat a good wil schal be accepted as for dede. For and 3e desire to loue and plese god and to be vertuouse, it is take and accepted as for dede of oure lord god. If 3e folwe it to 3oure myght alwey quan reson cometh to 3ou with desirful wil to don weel, and if 3e haue felt comfort and swetnesse, þou3 3e fele the same temptacions aftir as 3e deden afore, beth not þerfore discomfortid, ne þenketh thus, allas, it is comen a3en, it wole neuere awey fro me, and so falle in discomfort be 3oure owne ymaginacions. But comforte 3ow in god, and beth glad that þe feend hath envye on to 3ou, for whiles þe lyf is in the body he wil entarye alwey goddis seruauntis, for he is ful set a3ens hem, with al malice and velanye to disese hem in diuers maneris in al þat he kan and may. Saynt Austyn seyth: Many maneris ben þe temptacion be þe whiche þe wrong eddere the feend, enemye to al mankende, tormenteth mannes soule, and Seynt Gregory seith þat þer is no þing in which we owne to be so seker of god as for to haue taryenges and tormentis. And if a man seith that bodily tormentis ben medeful and not gostly tormentis, he seyth nou3t right, for dredeles þe gostly tormentis ben werse, more peyneful and more a3ens wil þan ben the bodily toormentis, and in so moche they ben þe more medeful. And þerfore þat man dooth dishonour to god þat seith with a ful vysement þat þe fend may in this world more tormenten þan god may meden. Wherfore treuly þer is no thing more medeful ne more goodly ne more charitable þan for to strengthe and comfort the soule þat þe fend tarieth, for who so comforteth hem that ben desolate, þe lord of comforte, Jesu Crist oure lord god, wole comforte hem endelesly in the blisse of heuene. The which lord, þouru3 þe myght and merite of his peyneful passion and his precyous blood, felle down the poure of þe fend, and graunte cristen soules victorie ouere the feend, to the worchip of al þe trinite, fader and sone and holy gost, þat lyueth and regneth with owten ende. Amen.

Here I haue endid of temptacions the remedie. God for his goodnesse on me sinful haue mercy. Amen. Mercy god, mercy god, mercy god on me. Amen, me sinful haue mercy. Amen.

    Mercy god, mercy god, mercy god on me. Amen
    Gloria laus honorque deo patri. Amen.
    Et sic explicit liber iste.


Giovanni di Paolo, St Catherine Receiving Stigmata, Santa Cristina, Pisa, Metropolitan Museum of Art





Walter Hilton
(1396)

From the Scale of Perfection Book II.21-23, transcription from British Library, Harley 6579, fols. 84-89, translation by John P.H. Clark:



                                                                                                          ' I. am no3t .I. haf
   no3t. nou3t .I. aske ne covete bot þe luf of ihu '
                                                                                              British Library, Harley 6579, fol. 88v.

21. An introduction as to how a soul should behave in purpose and in practice if it wants to come to this reforming, through the example of a pilgrim going to Jerusalem; and the two kinds of humility.

evyrþeles for þu coueteþ for to haue sm maw writynge by þe whilke þu mi3tes þe gaþ nei3en to þt reformynge & schal say þe as me þinkiþ bi þe grace of oure lord ihu þe shortest & þe rediest helpe þat I knowe in þis wirkynge. And how þt schal be .I. schal telle þe by exaumple of a good pilgrym vpon þis wise: þer was a man þat wold gon to ierusalem & for he knewe not þe weye he come to an oþ man þt he hopyt knewe þe way & asked wheþer he mi3te come to þat cite & þat oþ man seide to him þat he mi3te not come þeder withoute grete disese & mikil trauale for þe wey is longe & periles and grete . of þefes & robbers & many oþer / [fol. 84v] lettynges þat ben þt fallen to a man wiþ goyng . & also þare mony saie weies . as it semiþ ledand þederward . Bot men alday are slayn & dispoiled & mown not comyn to þt place þt þei covete. Neveþeles þer is .o. wey þe whilke whoso takiþ hit & holdiþ it . he wolde undirtake . þy he schude come to þe cite of ierusalem ne schulde now les his lif ne be slayn . ne dye for  defaute: ne schulde often be robbed & yuel betyn . & suffren unkel disese in þe goyngr & bot he schulde ay him his lif safe. þan saiþ þe pilgrim if it be so þat I may have my lif safe & come to þt place þt I coveite: .I. charge not what meschef .I. suffre in þe goynge & þerfore say me what þu  wil & sothly .I. bihote for to don afor þe: þt oþ answered & saye þus . lo .I. sait þe in þe ri3t wey. þis is þe wey. & if þu kepe þe lesyinge þt  .I. kemis þe.

Nevertheless, because you desire to have some kind of practice by which you could approach that reforming more quickly, I shall tell you by the grace of our Lord Jesus what seems to me the shortest and promptest aid that I know in this work. And how that shall be I will tell you in this manner, through the example of a good pilgrim.

There was a man wanting to go to Jerusalem, and because he did not know the way he came to another man who he thought knew it and asked whether he could reach that city. The other man told him he could not get there without great hardship and labour, for the way is long and the perils are great, with thieves and robbers as well as many other difficulties to beset a man on his journey; also there are many different ways seeming to lead in that direction, yet people are being killed and robbed daily and cannot come to the place they desire. However, there is one way, and he would undertake that anyone who takes and keeps to it shall come to the city of Jerusalem, and never lose his life or be slain or die of want. He would often be robbed and badly beaten and suffer great distress on his journey, but his life would always be safe. Then the pilgrim said: 'If it is true that I can keep my life and come to the place I desire, I do not care what trouble I suffer on the journey, and therefore tell me what you will, and I promise faithfully to do as you say'. The other man answered and said this: 'See, I am setting you on the right road. This is the way, and be sure to keep the instructions I give you'.

What so you heres or sees or felis þt schulde lette þe in þi wey abide not wiþ it wilfully: tary not for it restfully. behold it not. like it not. drede it not. bot ay fo forþ in þi wey & thinke þt þu wantes be  at Jerusalem'. For þt þu covetes  þt þu desires. & no3t elles bot þt. & if man robbe þe . & dispoile þe bete þe scorne þe . & dispise þe: ferse not agayn if þu wilt hav þi lif. Bot holde þe wt þe harme þt þu has & go forþ . as no3t were. þt þu take no more harms. And also if man wil tary þe wiþ tales & fede þe wt lesynges. for to drawe þe to mirþis & for to lese þi pilgrimage: make def ere & answer not agayn & sey not elles bot þt þu wuldes be at Jerusalem. And if men proffer þe 3iftes & wil make þe riche wt werdly gode tente not to hem: þinke ay on Jerusalem. And if þu wil holde þis wey & ben as I hafe sayde: promise & take þi lif þt þu schal not be slayn. bot þou schal come to þt place þt þu/ [fol. 85] coveites:

'Whatever you hear, see or feel that would hinder you on your way, do not willingly stay with it, and do not tarry for it, taking rest; do not look at it, do not take pleasure in it, and do not fear it; but always go forth on your way and think that you want to be in Jerusalem. For that is what you long for and what you desire, and nothing else but that; and if men rob you, strip you, beat you, scorn you and despise you, do not fight back if you want to have your life, but bear the hurt that you have and go on as if it were nothing, lest you come to more harm. In the same way, if men want to delay you with stories and feed you with lies, trying to draw you to pleasures and make you leave your pilgrimage, turn a deaf ear and do not reply, saying only that you want to be in Jerusalem. And if men offer you gifts and seek to enrich you with worldly goods, pay no attention to them, always think of Jerusalem. And if you will keep on this way and do as I have said, I promise you your life - that you shall not be slain but come to the place that you desire'.

Softly to oure propositions. Jerusalem is as mikel for to seyen as si3t of pes & bitokneþ contemplacion in perfit luf of god. ffor contemplacion is not ellis bot a si3t of ihu whilk is vrey pes. þan if þu coveit for to com to þis blessednes of vrey pes & ben a traw pilgrym to Jerusalemward: þaw3 it be so þt .I. wase neuer þare: neverles as ferforth as .I. kan .I. schal setes þe in þe waye þedward: 

According to our spiritual propositions, Jerusalem is as much as to say sight of peace and stands for contemplation in perfect love of God, for contemplation is nothing other than a sight of Jesus, who is true peace. Then if you long to come to this blessed sight of true peace and to be a faithful pilgrim toward Jerusalem - even though it should be that I was never there, yet as far as I can - I shall set you in the way that leads toward it.

þe bygynynge of þe hi3e wey in þe whilk þu schalt gon is reformyng in feiþ & in þe lawes of holy kirke as .I. hafe saide beforn. for trust sikirly þaw3 þu haue synned hard here bifore . if þu be now reformed bi þe sacrament of penaunce after þe lawe of hilikirke þt þu art in þe ri3t wais. Now þan siþen þu in þe siker weye: if þu wile spedyn in þi goyngs & make gode jurndres: þe behoviþ to holden þese two þonges often in þi mynde. meknes & luf. þt is '.I. am no3t . .I. have no3t .I. coveit no3t. but on' þu sschalt hafe þe menynge of þese woedes in þin entent & in habite of þi soule lastendly: þaw3 þu hafe no3t specially þose wordes ay formed in þi þou3tes: for þt nediþ not. meknes seiþ .I. am no3t .I. hafe no3t. lufe saiþ .I. coveit n3t bot on. & þt is ihu: þese two strenges wel festned wt þe mynde of Jerusalem makiþ gode acorde in þe harpe of þe soule. When þei be craftely touchid wt þe fingres of resoun: for þe lower þu smytes up on þt in þe hi3er sonniþ þt oþer: þe lesse þu felist þt þu art or þt þu hast of þi self þruw3 meknes: þe more þu coveites for to hau of ihu in desire of luf: .I. mene not only of þt meknes þt a soule feliþ in þe si3t of his own syn or holines & wrecchednes of þis lif: or of þe worþines of his euencristen: for þaw3 þis meknes be soþfast & medicinable: norþeles it is twistous & fleschly as in segnses./[fol. 85v] not clene ne softe ne lofli. So .I. mene also þis meknes beynge þt þe soule feliþ þrw3 grace in si3t & beholdyng of þe endeles beynge & þe wondeful godnes of ihu & if you mowe not seen it 3it wt þi gostly i3e: þt þou trows it: ffor þrw3 si3t of his beynge eiþer in ful feiþ or in felyng þu schalt holden þi self not only as þe most wrecche þt is. but also as no3t in substaunce of þi soule: þaw3 þu hever don syn: And þt is lufly meknes: for in     of ihu þt is soþfatch al: þu art ri3t no3t: And also þt þu þinke þt þu hast ri3t no3t: So tht as a vessel þt standiþ ay come as no3t Were  in as of þi self: for doo þ

þat þu hast þe luf of ihu. þu hast ri3t no3t. ffor wt þat precious licour only will þi soule be fulfilled. & wt none oþer

The beginning of the highway along which you shall go is reforming in faith, grounded humbly in the faith and in the laws of holy church, as I have said before, for trust assuredly that although you have formerly sinned, you are on the right road, if you are now reformed by the sacrament of penance according to the law of holy church. Now since you are on the sure way, if you want to speed on your travels and make a good journey each day, you should hold these two things often in your mind - humility and love. That is: I am nothing; I have nothing; I desire only one thing. You shall have the meaning of these words continually in your intention, and in the habit of your soul, even though you may not always have their particular form in your thought, for that is not necessary. Humility says, I am nothing; I have nothing. Love says, I desire only one thing, and that is Jesus. These two strings, well-fastened with mindfulness of Jesus, make good harmony on the harp of the soul when they are skillfully touched with the finger of reason. For the lower you strike upon the one, the higher sounds the other; the less you feel that you are or that you have of yourself through humility, the more you long to have of Jesus in the desire of love. I do not mean only that humility that a soul feels as it looks at its own sin or at the frailties and wretchedness of this life, or at the worthiness of his fellow Christians, for although this humility is true and medicinal, it is comparatively rough and carnal, not pure or soft or lovely. But I mean also this humility that the soul feels though grace in seeing and considering the infinite being and wonderful goodness of Jesus, and if you cannot see it yet with your spiritual eye, that you believe in it, for through the sight of his being - either in full faith or in feeling - you shall regard yourself not only as the greatest wretch that there is, but also as nothing in the substance of your soul, even if you had never committed sin. And that is lovely humility, for in comparison with Jesus who is in truth All, you are but nothing. In the same way think that you have nothing, but are like a vessel that always stands empty, as if with nothing in it of your own for however many good works you do, outwardly or inwardly, you have nothing at all until you have - and feel that you have - the love of Jesus. For your soul can be filled only with that precious liquor, and with nothing else; and because that thing alone is so precious and so valuable, regard anything you have and do as nothing to rest in, without the sight and the love of Jesus. Throw it all behind you and forget it, so that you can have what is best of all.

Just as a true pilgrim going to Jerusalem leaves behind him home and land, wife and children, and makes himself poor and bare of all that he has in order to travel light and without hindrance, so if you want to be a spiritual pilgrim you are to make yourself naked of all that you have - both good works and bad - and throw them all behind you, and thus become so poor in your own feeling that there can be no deed of your own that you want to lean upon for rst, but you are always desiring more grace of love, and always seeking the spiritual presence of Jesus. If you do so, you shall then set in your heart, wholly and fully, your desre to be at Jerusalem, and in no other place but there; and that is, you shall set in your heart, wholly and fully, your will to have nothing but the love of Jesus and the spiritual sight of him, as far as he wishes to show himself. It is for that alone you are made and redeemed, and that is your beginning and your end, your joy and your glory. Therefore, whatsoever you have, however rich you may be in other works of body and spirit, unless you have that, and know and feel that you have it, consider that you have nothing at all. Print this statement well on the intention of your heart, and hold firmly to it, and it will save you from all the perils of your journey, so that you will never perish. It shall save you from thieves and robbers (which is what I call unclean spirits), so that though they strip you and beat you with diverse temptations, your life shall always be saved; and in brief if you guard it as I shall tell you, you shall within a short time escape all perils and distresses and come to the city of Jerusalem.

Now that you are on the road and know the name of the place you are bound for, begin to go forward on your journey. Your going forth is nothing else but the work of the spirit - and of the body as well, when there is need for it - which you are to use with discretion in the following way. Whatever work it is that you should do, in body or in spirit, according to the degree and state in which you stand, it if helps this grace-given desire that you have to love Jesus, making it more whole, easier and more powerful for all virtues and all goodness, that is the work I consider the best, whether it be prayer, meditation, reading or working; and as long as that taks most strenghtens your heart and your working; and as long as that task most strengthens your heart and you will for the love of Jesus and draws your affection and your thought farthest from worldly vanities, it is good to use it. And if it happens that the savour of it becomes less through use, and you feel that you savour anothing kind of work more, and you feel more grace in another, take another and leave that one. For though your desire and the yearning of your heat for Jesus should always be unchangeable, nevertheless the spiritual practices that you are to use in prayer or the meditation to feed and nourish you desire may be diverse, and may well be changed according to the way you feel disposed to appply your own heart, through grace.

For it goes with works and desire as it does with a fire and sticks. The more sticks are laid on a fire, the greater is the flame, and so the more varied the spiritual work that anyone has in mind for keeping his desire whole, the more powerful and ardent shall be his desire for God. Therefore notice carefully what work you best know how to do and what most helps you to keep whole this desire for Jesus (if you are free, and are not bound except under the common law), and do that. Do not bind yourself unchangeably to practices of your own choosing that hinder the freedom of your heart to love Jesus if grace should specially visit you, for I shall tell you which customs are always good and need to be kept. See, a particular custom is always good to keep if it consists in getting virtue and hindering sin, and that practice should never be left. For if you behave well, you will always be humble and patient, sober and chaste; and so with all other virtues. But the practice of any other thing that hinders a better work should be left when it is time for one to do this; for instance in a certain way for a particular length of time, or waking or kneeling for a certian time, or doing other such bodily work, this practice is to be left off sometimes when a reasonable cause hinders it, or else if more grace comes from another quarter.

22. The delays and temptations that souls shall feel from their spiritual enemies on their spiritual journey to the heavenly Jerusalem, and some remedies against them.

ow

Now you are on the way and know how you shall go. Now beware of enemies that will be trying to hinder you if they can, for their intention is to put out of your heart that desire and that longing that you have for the love of Jesus, and to drive you home again to the love of worldly vanity, for there is nothing that grieves them so much. These enemies are principally carnal desires and vain fears that rise out of your heart through the corruption of your fleshly nature, and want to hinder you desire for the love of God, so that they can fully occupy your heart without disturbance. These are your nearest enemies. There are other enemies too, such as unclean spirits that are busily trying to decieve you with tricks and wiles. But you shall have one remedy, as I said before: whatever it may be they say, do not believe them, but keep on your way and desire only the love of Jesus. Always give this answer: I am nothing, I have nothing, I desire nothing but the love of Jesus alone. If your enemies speak to you first like this, by stirrings in your heart, that you have not made a proper confession, or that there is some old sin hidden in your heart that you do not know and never confessed, and therefore you must turn home again, leave your desire and go to make a better confession: do not believe this saying, for it is false and you are absolved. Trust firmly that you are on the road, and you need no more ransacking of your confession for what is past: keep on your way and think of Jerusalem. Similarly, if they say that you are not worthy to have the love of God, and ask what good it is to crave something you cannot have and do not deserve, do not believe them, but go forward, saying thus, 'Not because I am worthy, but because I am unworthy - that is my motive for loving God, for if I had that love, it would make me worthy; and since I was made for it, even though I should never have it I will yet desire it, and therefore I will pray and meditate in order to get it'. And then, if your enemies see that you begin to grow bold and resolute in your work, they start getting frightened of you; however, they will not stop hindering you when they can as long as your are going on your way. What with fear and menaces on the one hand and flattery and false blandishment on the other, to make you break your purpose and turn home again, they will speak like this: 'If you keep up your desire for Jesus, labouring as hard as you have begun, you will fall into sickness or into fantasies and frenzies, as you see some do, or you will fall into poverty and come to bodily harm, and no one will want to help you; or you might fall into secret temptations of the devil, in which you will not know how to help yourself. It is very dangerous for any man to give himself wholly to the love of God, to leave all the world and desire nothing but his love alone; for so many perils may befall that one does not know of. And therefore turn home again and leave this desire, for you will never carry it through to the end, and behave as other people do in the world'.

So say your enemies; but do not believe them. Keep up your desire, and say nothing else but that you want to have Jesus and to be in Jerusalem. And if they then perceive your will to be so strong that you will not spare yourself - for sin or for sickness, for fantasies or frenzy, for doubts or fears of spiritual temptations, for poverty or distress, for life or for death - but that you will is set ever onward, with one thing and one alone, turning a deaf ear to them as if you did not hear them, and keeping on stubbornly and unstintingly with your prayers and your other spiritual works, and with discretion according to the counsel of your superior or your spiritual father; then they begin to be angry and to draw a little nearer to you. They start robbing you and beating you and doing you all the injury they know: and that is when they cause all your deeds - however well done - to be judged evil by others and turned the worst way. And whatever you may want to do for the benefit of your body and soul, it will be hampered and hindered by other men, in order to thwart you in everything that you reasonably desire. All this they do to stir you to anger, resentment or ill-will against your fellow Christians.

But against all these annoyances, and all others that may befall, use this remedy; take Jesus in your mind, and do not be angry with them; do not linger with them, but think of your lesson - that you are nothing, you have nothing, you cannot lose any earthly goods, and you desire nothing but the love of Jesus - and keep on your way to Jerusalem, with your occupation. Nevertheless, if through your own frailty you are at some time vexed with such troubles befalling your life in the body through the ill-will of man or the malice of the devil, come to yourself again as soon as you can; stop thinking of that distress and go forth to your work. Do not stay too long with them, for fear of your enemies.

23. A general remedy against wicked stirrings and painful vexations that befall the heart from the world, the flesh and the devil.

nd aftir þis

Your enemies will be much abashed, when they see you so well-disposed that you are not annoyed, heavyhearted, wrathful, or greatly stirred against any creature, for anything that they can do or say against you, but that you fully set your heart upon bearing all that may happen - ease and hardship, praise or blame - and that you will not trouble about anything, provided you can keep whole your thought and your desire for the love of God. But then they will try you with flattery and vain blandishment, and that is when they bring to the sight of your soul all your good deeds and virtues and impress upon you that all men praise you and speak of your holiness; and how everybody loves you and honors you for your holy living. Your enemies do this to make you think that their talk is true, and take delight in this vain joy and rest in it; but it you do well you shall hold all such vain jabbering as the falsehood and flattery of your enemy, who proffers you a drink of venom tempered with honey. Therefore refuse it; say you do not want any of it, but want to be in Jerusalem.



                                                                                                                  ' I. am no3t .I. haf
   no3t. nou3t .I. aske ne covete bot þe luf of iћu '
                                                                                              British Library, Harley 6579, fol. 88v.

You shall feel such hindrances, or others like them - what with your flesh, the world and the devil - more than I can recite now. For as long as a man allows his thoughts to run willingly all over the world to consider different things, he notices few hindrances; but as soon as he draws all his thought and his yearning to one thing alone - to have that, to see that, to know that, and to love that  (and that is only Jesus) - then he shall well feel many painful hindrances, for everything that he feels and is not what he desires is a hindrance to him. Therefore, I have told you particularly of some as an example. Furthermore, I say in general that whatever stirring you feel from your flesh or from the devil, pleasant or painful, bitter or sweet, agreeable or dreadful, glad or sorrowful - that would draw down your thought and your desire from the love of Jesus to worldly vanity and utterly prevent the spiritual desire that you have for the love of him, so that your heart should stay occupied with that stirring: think nothing of it, do not willingly receive it, and do not linger over it too long. But if it concerns some worldly thing that ought to be done for yoruself or your fellow Christian, finish with it quickly and bring it to an end so that it does not hang on your heart. If it is some other thing that is not necessary, or does not concern you, do not trouble about it, do not parley with it, and do not get angry; neither fear it nor take pleasure in it, but promptly strike it out of your heart, saying thus: 'I am nothing; I have nothing; I neither seek nor desire anything but the love of Jesus'. Knit your thought to this desire and make it strong; maintin it with prayer and with other spiritual work so that you do not forget it; and it shall lead you in the right way and save you from all perils, so that although you feel them you shall not perish. And I think it will bring you to perfect love of our Lord Jesus.

On the other hand I also say: Whatever work or stirring it may be that can help your desire, strengthen  and nourish it, and make your heart furthest from the enjoyment and remembrance of the world, and more whole and more ardent for the love of God - whether it be prayer or meditation, stillness or speaking, reading or listening, solitude or company, walking or sitting - keep it for the time and work in it as long as the savor lasts, provided you take with it food, drink and sleep like a pilgrim, keeping discretion in your labor as your superior advises and ordains. For however great his hate on his journey, yet at the right time he is willing to eat, drink and sleep. Do so yourself, for although it may hinder you at one time it shall advance you at another.






The Cloud of Unknowing Author (
unknown)




Julian of Norwich
(1415?)

ulian, Anchoress of St Julian's Church in Norwich, is not normally thought to have been influenced by Birgitta of Sweden and by Catherine of Siena, yet it is clear that her Showing gets its concept and its title from Birgitta's influential work while much in its text resonates with that in Catherine of Siena's Dialogo. It is clear, too, that, just at St Birgitta spends her a lifetime writing her Revelationes, so does Julian spend a lifetime writing her Showing. It is also clear, once the life of Adam Easton, Norwich Benedictine, is known, that that influence largely came from him. He avidly defended St Birgitta's canonization, arguing for women and their theological abilities, citing among other examples the four daughters of Philip who were each prophetesses and who helped Luke write his Gospel and Book of Acts. Adam would also have exposed Julian to the writings of Pseudo-Dionysius, for he owned his complete works in a manuscript that survives today at Cambridge University, and he may indeed have written for her the Dionysian 'Cloud of Unknowing' and its related 'Dionise Hid Diuinite' and Epistles. Julian thus may have had a spiritual director, Adam Easton, who taught Hebrew at Oxford, just as Birgitta had Master Mathias who studied Hebrew at Paris. Julian's St Julian's Church was also next door to the Austin Friary, a Friary in contact with the Austin Hermit William Flete, Catherine of Siena's disciple and executor.  Indeed, several contemporary writers resonate with Julian's writings on prayer, the Franciscan Tertiary Angela da Foligno, the Benedictine Hermit John Whiterig, the Augustinian Hermit William Flete, the Dominican Tertiary Catherine of Siena, the Cloud Author and Walter Hilton. Angela of Foligno wrote 'God is closer to us than our own soul', which Julian repeats.

In translating Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love in 1991 from the Syon Abbey manuscript owned by Westminster Cathedral and now on loan to Westminster Abbey, her own English words were kept, rather than translating them into our Latinate forms, her 'oneing' instead of our 'uniting', her 'noughting' instead of our 'negating', her 'endlessness' instead of our 'eternity'. Somehow the Latin hides their meaning into its foreignness. The English words' truth, though now so unusual that they seem foreign, are actually closer to what we mean. Also, Julian's theological concepts can have a very modern ring. Computers, like brains and noughts and crosses games, generally simply 'one' and 'nought' their way through problems. Julian's 'oneing' is one's shaping oneself to that of God, 'noughting' the opposite of 'oneing', as evil, which therefore does not exist. Her 'endlessness' is of God, who is all time, but smaller and smaller bits of time, like death, are of 'noughting'.

There are three versions of Julian's Showing of Love. The first, the Westminster Manuscript, of which excerpts are given here, was written perhaps in 1368 when she was twenty-five. The Long Text, given in the Paris Manuscript and in three Sloane and Stowe Manuscripts in the British Library, presents a text originally written when she was fifty, in 1393, discussing a vision of the Crucifix she had had when she lay, she thought, dying, in 1373. A final version, the Short Text, is given in the British Library Amherst Manuscript, and states it was written when she was still alive in 1413, at seventy, when the Lollards, ancestors to the Quakers, were being burned at the stake. That manuscript also contains Marguerite Porete's Mirror of Simple Souls, Henry Suso's Horologium Sapientiae and Jan van Ruusbroec's Sparkling Stone (the latter two now transcribed in booklets in the Julian Library Portfolio) amongst other contemplative texts. All of these early Julian manuscripts are connected to Brigittine Syon Abbey. This manuscript was owned by the courageous  Lowe family. The last monk to be buried at Syon Abbey at the Reformation was a Lowe. The Lowes in exile continued to be associated with Syon Abbey in exile in the Low Countries and Rouen, women, as well as men, being imprisoned for their recusancy, and a Lowe priest was drawn, hung and quartered at Tyburn for converting five hundred souls to Catholicism. In the nineteenth century Rose Lowe entered Syon Abbey in Lisbon, saving it from extinction under Wellington's deprivations in Portugal and became its Prioress. Bishop James Bramston studied for ordination at the English College, Lisbon. The manuscript then passed from Lowe ownership into his hands, being rebound at this date, and finally to Westminster Cathedral.

Julian thus spent her whole life writing this book. From the age of fifty on she lived as a Solitary, an Anchoress, in an anchorhold at St Julian's Church, Norwich, probably dressed in the black of a Benedictine nun, for she may have earlier been at Carrow Priory, and she gave counsel to troubled people, like Margery Kempe from Lynn. Julian of Norwich, and Augustine before her in his Confessions, obeyed Christ’s words that they should pray to God. These texts Julian uses, the Shema (Leviticus 19.18, Mark 12.28-31), the Lord’s Prayer (Matthew 6.5-23, Luke 11.1-4), the Confessions of St Augustine, the Rule of St Benedict, the Dialogues of St Gregory, in her Showing of Love, become all one prayer, a plea, that we love God and our even-Christian, our neighbour, as ourselves. In all these versions, except the last, Julian gives passages from the Bible in her Middle English, from Isaiah, from Jonah, from the Epistles and much else, but she dare not do so in the 1413 version when to own or use John Wyclif's translation of the Bible into English would have caused one to have been burnt at the stake as a Lollard heretic. Strangely she uses neither Jerome's Latin Vulgate nor Wyclif's Middle English, the evidence being that she has access to the Hebrew of the Scriptures, likely gained through Cardinal Adam Easton who had taught the Hebrew Scriptures at Oxford and who had translated them into Latin, correcting Jerome's errors. But she is not an elitist scholar. Her last word in her last version is the Lollard term, one's 'even Christian', one's neighbour as one's equal in the eyes of one's Creat or

Julian begins the Westminster Manuscript by imagining the Virgin Mary worshipping her Child. The initial 'O' in the manuscript is illuminated in blue with red penwork ornamentation, the text written in brownish ink. It echoes the lovely Advent Antiphon, 'O Sapientiae', where the pregnant Virgin worships and addresses her not yet born child as Wisdom.

th using the single 'thorn' letter, s s being long-tailed, us and vs the reverse of our practice, and n abbreviated with a macron above previous letter. Westminster Cathedral Manuscript, Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love

Later, Julian speaks of the tender hands of God as our Mother. 

The manuscript has drawings of hands in the margin pointing to important parts of the text. The sections given here in red are so rubricated in the Paris Manuscript, but not in the Westminster Manuscript. In other manuscripts these phrases are in engrossed letters, which in one instance, occurs in the Westminster Manuscript and which may have been Julian's own practice, perhaps borrowed from Rabbinical texts, as in the manuscript of Rabbi David Kimhi, owned by Cardinal Adam Easton, Benedictine from Norwich, who effected Birgitta of Sweden's canonization in 1391.
 

 
{ ur gracious and good lord God showed me in part the wisdom and the truth of the soul of our blessed Lady, Saint Mary that he would be born of her that was a simple person of his making. For this was her marvelling, 'That he who was her maker would be born of her that is made.'  And this wisdom and truth, knowing the greatness of her Maker and the littleness of her self who is made, caused her to say full meekly to Gabriel, 'Lo, me here, God's handmaiden'. This wisdom and truth made her see her God so great, so high, so mighty and so good that the greatness and the nobility and beholding of God fulfilled her with reverent dread. And with this she saw herself so little and so low, so simple and so poor in reward of her God, that this reverent dread fulfilled her with meekness. And thus, by this ground, she was fulfilled of grace and of all manner of virtue, and overpassed all people. In this sight, I understood truly that she is more than all that God made beneath her in worthiness and fullness. For above her there is no thing that is made: but the blessed manhood of Christ, as to my sight. And this our good Lord showed to my understanding, in teaching us.
       · · ·


Westminster Cathedral Manuscript, Julian of Norwich, Showing of Love

iuliana di Norwich inizia il manoscritto di Westminster con un'immagine della Vergine Maria in adorazione del Figlio suo, come in Dante, Paradiso XXX.1-6.

I concetti teologici di Giuliana appaiono molto moderni. I computer, così come il nostro cervello e i giochi affini al filetto, nella risoluzione di un problema utilizzano semplicemente un sistema di numerazione binaria di "uno" e "zero". L' 'essere uno' per Giuliana corrisponde al trasformarsi di un individuo a immagine di Dio. 'L'essere nulla', il contrario dell' 'essere uno', rappresenta il male, che, in quanto tale, non esiste. E 'l'essere infinito' è una proprietà di Dio, che esiste in eterno, laddove i sempre più piccoli frammenti di tempo, così come la morte, appartengono al nulla.

Esistono tre versioni delle Visioni di Giuliana di Norwich. La prima, il manoscritto di Westminster, di cui qui sono presentati alcuni passi, è stata redatta da Giuliana probabilmente nel 1368, a cinquant'anni d'età. Il manoscritto di Parigi e due versioni più tarde, attualmente custodite alla British Library, contengono un testo scritto da Giuliana nel cinquantesimo anno d'età, dove si parla di una visione del Crocifisso, da lei avuta nel 1373, quando, così credeva, era in punto di morte. Una ultima versione è stata composta nel 1413, a settanta anni d'età, quando i Lollardi, progenitori dei Quaccheri, venivano bruciati al rogo. Giuliana attese l'intera vita alla composizione di questo libro. Dai cinquant'anni in poi visse come anacoreta, da reclusa, in un romitaggio presso la Chiesa di san Giuliano a Norwich. Verosimilmente vestì l'abito nero delle monache Benedettine, ed era stata probabilmente nel Convento di Carrow; come Margery Kempe di Lynn consolava gli afflitti. In tutte queste versioni, eccetto l'ultima, Giuliana include passi della Bibbia in Middle English, da Isaia, da Giona, dalle Epistole e da molti altri libri. Non osa, tuttavia, farlo nella versione del 1413, al tempo in cui possedere o usare la traduzione in inglese della Bibbia di Wyclif sarebbe costato l'essere bruciato sul rogo come eretico Lollardo. Eppure l'ultima parola della sua ultima versione è il termine Lollardo 'cristiano mio pari', il mio proprio prossimo, mio simile agli occhi del Creatore.

La lettera iniziale del manoscritto di Westminster è miniata in blu con decorazioni in rosso eseguite a pennino. Il testo è vergato in marrone. Manine a margine indicano le parti importanti del testo. Le parti qui in grassetto, le parole di Cristo, nel manoscritto di Parigi sono in rosso.


Testo

l nostro amabile e buon Signore Dio mi ha in parte rivelato la sapienza e la verità dell'anima della nostra Vergine benedetta, Santa Maria, così ho compreso la riverente adorazione, con la quale Ella ha contemplato il suo Dio che è il suo Creatore, provando stupore e gran riverenza perchè Lui sarebbe nato da lei, creatura semplice e da Lui stesso generata. Dunque questa era la causa del suo stupore: 'Che colui che era il suo Fattore fosse nato da lei che è la sua creatura.' Questa saggezza e verità, di fronte alla conoscenza della grandezza del Creatore e della propria piccolezza, come creatura, è la ragione per la quale Maria ha detto con assoluta umiltà all'Arcangelo Gabriele, 'Eccomi, sono l'ancella del Signore.' Questa sapienza e verità le fece vedere il suo Dio così maestoso, così eccelso, così possente e così buono che la grandezza e la nobiltà e la contemplazione di Dio la riempirono di riverente tremore. Ed allo stesso tempo si vide così piccola e misera, così semplice e povera dinanzi al suo Dio che tale riverente timore la ricolmò di umiltà. E dunque, per tale verità fondamentale, fu piena di grazia e di ogni virtù molto più di ogni altra creatura. In considerazione di questo veramente compresi che Lei, per i suoi meriti e la sua perfezione, è al di sopra di tutti coloro che Dio ha creato al di sotto di lei. In quanto più in alto di lei non c'è alcuna cosa creata, eccetto la beata umanità di Cristo, così come a me apparve. E questo il nostro buon Dio lo ha rivelato alla mia intelligenza, per ammaestrarci.
. . . . .
   

A questo punto Egli mi ha mostrato una piccola cosa, grande quanto una nocciola, che mi pareva stare nel palmo della mia mano. Era rotonda come ogni altra sfera. L'ho guardata con gli occhi della mente e ho pensato, 'Che cosa mai può essere?'   

E mi fu così risposto: 'Questo è tutto ciò che è creato'. Mi chiedevo con stupore come avesse potuto durare, poichè pensavo che avrebbe potuto improvvissamente ridursi a nulla a causa della sua piccolezza. E la risposta giunse alla mia mente: 'Sussiste e sussisterà sempre perché Dio l'ama'. Così tutte le cose hanno origine dall'amore di Dio.   

Ed in questa piccola cosa ho visto tre attributi. Il primo è che Dio l'ha creata. Il secondo è che l'ama. E il terzo è che Dio la custodisce. Ma cosa simboleggia ciò per me? In verità il Creatore, il Custode, l'Amore. Poiché fino a che non mi sarò unita a Lui, mai avrò piena pace o vera beatitudine. Questo significa: fino a che non sarò in completa unione con Lui, e fino a che nulla di esistente nel creato si interponga tra me e il mio Dio.

Pensavo che questa piccola cosa che è creata avrebbe potuto ridursi a nulla per la sua piccolezza. Da ciò dobbiamo avere piena coscienza che tutte le cose che sono create sono nulla in confronto all'amare e al possedere Dio che è increato.

Questo è il motivo per cui non troviamo pace nel nostro cuore e nella nostra anima, poiché noi cerchiamo la pace in questa cosa che è così piccola, dove non c'è alcun ristoro, e non riconosciamo Dio, che è l'Onnipotente, che è Sapienza e Somma bontà. Poiché Lui è la vera pace. Così conosceremo Dio, e Egli ama che troviamo riposo in Lui. Poichè tutto quello che è al di sotto di Lui non è pienezza. E questo è il motivo per cui nessuna anima trova riposo finchè non fa vuoto di tutto ciò che è creato. Ma allorquando l'anima vuole far vuoto dentro di sè per amore, per possedere Lui che è tutto, allora può trovare la pace dello spirito.

Inoltre il Signore mi rivelò che non c'è più grande gioia per Lui che ricevere un'anima pura, nella nudità, semplice e umile. Essendo tale anelito la naturale propensione dell'anima toccata dallo Spirito Santo. E da ciò che ho inteso con l'intelligenza di questa visione: 'Dio, per la tua bontà, donami te stesso. Poiché tu mi basti e posso non chiedere altro che sia meno, così ch'io possa essere pienamente degna di Te per renderti pieno onore. E se dovessi chiedere meno, mi mancherebbe sempre qualcosa. Ma soltanto in Te non manco di nulla'. Queste parole, 'Dio di bontà', sono gioia per la nostra anima e sono vicinissime alla volontà di nostro Signore. Poiché la Sua bontà è in tutta la Sua creazione e in tutte le Sue opere benedette e tutte le trascende nei secoli dei secoli. Poiché Egli è l'infinito e ci ha creati solo per Se stesso, ci ha redenti con la Sua preziosa Passione e nel Suo amore benedetto ci custodisce, e tutto questo per la sua benevolenza. Questa visione mi è stata data, come ho inteso nello spirito, per ammaestrare le nostre anime ad aderire sapientemente alla bontà di Dio.

E' volontà di Dio che tre cose otteniamo nella nostra preghiera, come dono di Lui. La prima è che preghiamo con pieno intento e con tutta la mente, senza pigrizia e, per sua grazia, con gioia e letizia, senza sciocca pesantezza e vano dolore. La seconda è che rimaniamo saldamente in Lui, per amor suo, senza lamentarci e senza resistergli per le mire della nostra vita perché questa durerà ben poco. La terza è che confidiamo in lui con tutte le nostre forze, con salda fede, poichè è Sua volontà il farci conoscere che arriverà all'improvviso, pieno di benedizioni per tutti coloro che Lo amano, poiché il Suo operare è segreto, e allora sarà conosciuto. La sua venuta sarà improvvisa e come un lampo e si crederà in Lui poichè Sua è la potenza, ed Egli è umile e amabile. Sia benedetto.

Dopo di ciò vidi Dio in un punto. Da tale visione percepita con l'intelligenza compresi che Egli è tutte le cose. Contemplai riflettendo, percependo e comprendendo mediante quella visione, che Egli crea tutto ciò che è creato, ed ama la più piccola cosa. E vidi che nulla è fatto per caso o senza ordine, ma tutto viene fatto dalla onniveggente sapienza di Dio. E se anche vedessimo agire il caso o la fortuna nella vita dell'uomo, la nostra cecità e la nostra deficienza nel prevedere ne sarebbero la causa. Dunque so bene che per nostro Signore Dio non c'è causalità o accidente. E' necessario perciò che io riconosca che tutte le cose che sono create sono cose buone, poiché il Signore nostro Dio crea tutte le cose. In quel momento non mi fu rivelato l'operare della Creazione, ma quello del nostro Signore Dio nella creazione, poiché Egli è il centro di tutte le cose e tutto crea.

E sono certa che non fa il male. E qui ho visto con certezza che il male non è. Inoltre, in altre visioni nostro Signore Dio mi ha detto, 'Vedi, io sono Dio. Vedi, sono in tutte le cose. Vedi, io creo tutte le cose. Vedi, mai ho abbandonato le mie opere nè mai le abbandonerò per l'eternità. Vedi, conduco tutte le cose verso il fine da me prefissato per loro dall'eternità - con la stessa potenza,  lo stesso amore e la stessa sapienza, con cui le ho create. Dunque come potrebbe esistere qualcosa che non sia cosa buona?'.

Vidi con assoluta certezza che Egli mai muta le Sue disposizioni nell'opera Sua e mai lo farà in eterno. Poiché non vi è nulla a Lui sconosciuto nella creazione, in tutto il suo ordine e la sua bontà, fin dall'eternità. E dunque tutte le cose furono ordinate prima che alcunché fosse creato, così come sarà per tutta l'eternità.

. . .

E ciò mi fu rivelato con queste parole: 'Hai raggiunto la pace?' E Cristo disse queste altre parole, 'Se tu hai la tua ricompensa, io ho la mia ricompensa'. Come se avesse detto: "E' mia gioia e cosa a me gradita, e non chiedo a te niente altro per il mio sacrifio se non che io possa darti il premio'. Ed è questo che egli mi ha fatto percepire con l'intelligenza: la proprietà di colui che dona con gioia. Il datore gioioso non considera ciò che dà, ma il suo desiderio è tutto proteso a compiacere e a confortare colui a cui ne fa dono. E se colui che riceve il dono lo accoglie con gioia e gratitudine, allora l'amabile datore ritiene come nulla tutto il suo sacrificio e tutta la sua passione per la gioia e il compiacimento che prova, poichè ha fatto cosa tanto gradita e ha tanto confortato colui che Egli ama. Ciò mi fu rivelato abbondantemente e in pienezza.

. . .

Inoltre nostro Signore  si manifestò con una rivelazione sulla preghiera. In questa visione ho visto che due sono le condizioni secondo le intenzioni di nostro Signore. Una è che la preghiera sia retta. E l'altra è l'assoluta fiducia. Ma sovente tuttavia la nostra fiducia non è piena poichè non siamo certi che Dio ci ascolti. Pensiamo che sia a causa dell'esser noi indegni e per questa ragione ci sentiamo nulla. Poichè sovente, dopo aver pregato, ci sentiamo sterili e proviamo come prima aridità. E così percependo, la nostra stoltezza è causa della nostra debolezza. Poiché io stessa mi sono sentita così.

 E nostro signore subitamente mi ispirò nella mente e mi rivelò queste parole, e disse, 'Io sono il fondamento della tua preghiera. Per prima cosa è mia volontà che tu giunga a pregare, e sono io che ti ispiro a volere ciò. E dunque, come sarebbe mai possibile che tu non fossi esaudita, dal momento che io ho fatto sì che tu pregassi, e tu preghi'. Ed ecco così è nella prima argomentazione delle tre che seguono: il nostro Signore Dio per quanto possibile consola, usando le stesse parole del primo ragionamento. Ove Egli dice, 'E tu preghi', rivela la sua somma gioia e l'infinita ricompensa che ci concederà per il nostro pregare.

E disse nella sesta argomentazione, 'Allora come sarebbe possibile?' Questo fu detto riguardo ad una cosa impossibile. Poiché è la cosa più impossibile che mai possa accadere che noi supplicassimo misericordia e grazia e non ottenessimo questo. Poiché tutte le cose che nostro Signore ci fa chiedere, è lui stesso ad averle preordinate per noi dall'eternità.

Dunque da questo possiamo comprendere che il nostro chiedere non è causa della benevolenza e della grazia che Egli concede a noi, ma emana dalla Sua propria bontà, che egli propriamente rivela in tutte queste dolci parole, dove dice 'Io sono il fondamento della vostra preghiera e del vostro chiedere'. Ed il nostro Signore vuole che tutti coloro che Lo amano sulla terra sappiano questo. E quanto più noi lo comprendiamo tanto più dovremmo tendere a questo, se sapientemente lo accogliessimo. E dunque queste sono le intenzioni di nostro Signore.

La sapiente preghiera è una sincera, perseverante volontà dell'anima, dalla grazia ispirata, tutt'una con la volontà dello stesso nostro Signore Dio. Lui è il primo a ricevere le nostre preghiere, così penso, le accoglie con piena gratitudine e con somma gioia. Le innalza al cielo e le custodisce come tesori, ove non andranno mai perdute. Là la nostra preghiera viene accolta, al cospetto di Dio e di tutta la sua Santa Corte celeste, per sempre esaudirci nelle necessità. E quando raggiungeremo la beatitudine in cielo, il gaudio sarà la ricompensa alle nostre preghiere, e adoranti renderemo grazie a Lui per l'eternità. Il Signore nostro Dio esulta di gioia ed è pieno di gaudio per la nostra preghiera, Egli la attende e la accoglie. Poiché mediante la Sua grazia l'orazione ci rende simili a Lui nella condizione così come lo siamo per natura.

Disse anche, 'Prega anche se pensi che non ti aiuti'. Anche la preghiera di ringraziamento è orazione. Il ringraziamento è un'autentica sapienza interiore congiunta a una grande riverenza, a un timore con sollecitudine, che suscita il volgerci con tutte le nostre forze verso le opere a cui Dio ci ha esortati, gioiendo e Lui ringraziando nell'intimo. E talora profusamente prorompe in esclamazioni, così esprimendosi, 'Signore Dio abbi pietà e sii Tu benedetto'.

. . .

La Verità vede Dio, e la Sapienza Lo contempla e da queste due origina il terzo, che è sublime santa dolcezza in Dio, l'Amore. Dove è verità e sapienza, in verità lì c'è amore e questo emana dalle due, così come tutto ciò che è stato creato da Dio. Poichè Dio è l'infinita sovrana verità, l'infinita sovrana sapienza, l'infinito sovrano amore che è da sempre.

. . .

Ed inoltre vuole che sappiamo che questa amata anima era preziosamente congiunta a Lui quando è stata creata. Il vincolo è così intimo e così possente, così che l'anima è una con Dio ed in questa unità è resa sommamente santa. Inoltre, Dio vuole che conosciamo e comprendiamo che tutte le anime che saranno salvate in cielo per l'eternità sono strettamente avvinte in tale vincolo, e unite in questo "esser uno" e rese sante in tale santità. Ed è per il sommo ed infinito amore che Dio ha per tutta l'umanità, che Egli non fa alcuna differenza nel suo amore tra la benedetta anima di Cristo e la più piccola anima che sarà salvata. Poiché è molto semplice vivere e credere che la dimora della benedetta anima di Cristo si eleva più alta nella gloriosa Deità. E in verità, così come comprendo il significato che il Signore intende, laddove è la benedetta anima di Cristo, là è anche la vita di tutte le anime che saranno salvate da Cristo.

Noi dobbiamo compiacerci grandemente del fatto che il nostro Dio ha posto la Sua dimora nella nostra anima, e ancora di più dobbiamo gioire che la nostra anima dimori in Dio. E la dimora della nostra anima è in Dio, che è da sempre. Sommo discernimento è comprendere e sapere che Dio, che è il nostro creatore, ha preso dimora nella nostra anima. E maggior saggezza è comprendere più profondamente, e ancora di più intuire e conoscere che la nostra anima, che è creata, nell'essenza dimora in Dio, e tale essenza, per grazia di Dio, ci rende quel che siamo.

Inoltre l'onnipotente verità della Trinità è nostro Padre. Poiché ci ha creati e ci custodisce in Lui. E la profonda sapienza della Trinità è nostra Madre, in cui noi siamo tutti racchiusi. E la somma benevolenza della Trinità è nostro Signore e viviamo in intimità con Lui e Lui è in noi. Tutto potenza, tutto sapienza e tutto bontà; un unico Dio, un unico Signore, un'unica benevolenza.

. . .

Dio è più vicino a noi della nostra stessa anima poiché Lui è il fondamento in cui la nostra anima si radica ed Egli è lo strumento che mantiene l'essenza ed il corpo materiale uniti così che essa non se ne parta mai. Poiché la nostra anima è in Dio, riposa in lui, rimane in Dio con salda forza, e per natura è radicata in Dio, nell'amore infinito. E dunque se vogliamo conoscere la nostra anima e vivere in comunione spirituale ed insieme amare, è cosa giusta cercare la nostra anima in Dio nostro Signore, che Egli racchiude in Sé.

. . .

E così come in verità Dio è nostro Padre, altrettanto vero è che Dio è nostra Madre. E Dio rivela questo in tutte le cose e più propriamente quando dice queste dolci parole: 'Io sono ciò'. Questo significa, 'Io sono la potenza e la benevolenza di Dio Padre; Io sono la sapienza e la dolcezza della Maternità; Io sono la luce e la grazia che è tutto amore benedetto; Io sono la Trinità; Io sono l'Unità; Io sono la somma sovrana bontà di tutte le cose; Io sono colui che suscita il tuo amare; Io sono colui che suscita il tuo desiderare l'infinita pienezza di ogni vero anelito'.

. . .

Sento che vi sono tre modi di contemplare la Maternità di Dio. Il primo è fondamento della nostra natura creata. Il secondo deriva dalla nostra natura, e da lì si è originata la Maternità della grazia. Il terzo è la Maternità della creazione e questo è un'effondersi della stessa grazia, un profluvio di grazia, somma e perfetta per tutti i secoli dei secoli. E tutto è un unico amore.

. . .

La protezione della madre è la più vicina, la più sollecita e la più sicura. E' la più vicina poichè è naturale, la più sollecita poichè è tutta amore, la più sicura poiché è verace. Questo ufficio nessuno sarebbe mai capace di compiere perfettamente, se non Gesù Cristo, Dio e Uomo. Sappiamo bene che ogni madre ci dà alla luce con dolore e per la morte. Ma solo la nostra vera Madre, Gesù, ci fa nascere alla gioia e alla beatitudine, e alla vita eterna. Sia benedetto.

Dunque ci sostiene, ci fa rimanere in Lui, nel suo amore. E quando è giunta l'ora patì, soffrendo le più acute pene e i più atroci dolori che mai siano stati e saranno. Morì infine e questo fu compiuto per condurci alla beatitudine. Tuttavia questo ancora non sarebbe stato abbastanza per il suo sommo amore. E mi rivelò ciò con queste somme ed eccelse parole d'amore, 'Se potessi soffrire di più, soffrirei di più'.

Gesù è morto una volta per sempre, ma non cesserà di sacrificarsi. Dunque deve nutrirci poiché il prezioso amore della Maternità Lo ha reso nostro debitore. La madre può dare a suo figlio il suo latte da succhiare, ma, la nostra preziosa Madre, Gesù può nutrirci offrendo se stesso, e opera ciò in completa umiltà e piena tenerezza mediante il santissimo sacramento del Corpo e Sangue  Suo, il prezioso cibo di vita. E con tutti questi dolci sacramenti Egli, benignissimo e misericordioso, è nostro sostegno.

. . .

 Siamo nelle dolci e amorevoli mani della Madre nostra, sollecite e premurose. Poiché in tutto questo operare Egli assume l'ufficio di una amorevole nutrice che non ha nessun altro compito se non attendere alla salvezza del suo bambino. La missione di nostro Signore Gesù Cristo è quella di salvarci. Questo è compiuto per i suoi meriti, ed è conforme alla sua volontà che si conosca. Poiché Egli vuole che lo amiamo teneramente e confidiamo in Lui con umiltà e con tutta le nostre forze. E questo rivelò con tali benigne parole 'Vi sostengo fortemente'. Per di più un bambino per natura confida sempre nell'amore della madre e, naturalmente non pone la sua fiducia in sè; ama la madre ed essi si amano reciprocamente.  

Inoltre il mio anelito e la mia grande speranza era che, per dono di Dio, fossi liberata da questo mondo e da questa vita. Poiché sovente ho veduto le pene dell'esistere e il benessere e la condizione beata che è nei Cieli e talora ho pensato che malgrado non abbia avuto in questa vita altro dolore che l'assenza di nostro Signore Dio, questo era più di quanto potessi sopportare e questo mi addolorava e mi struggevo nel mio anelito. Inoltre la mia stessa miseria, pigrizia e abbattimento hanno contribuito a quella situazione, cosicché non volevo vivere e soffrire in quanto per me era insopportabile. Ed a tutto questo il nostro amabile Signore Dio rispose confortandomi e esortandomi ad essere capace di sopportare con queste parole: 'In un subito sarai liberata da tutto il tuo dolore e da tutta la tua malattia e da ogni tua pena. E verrai quassù e avrai me come tua ricompensa e premio e sarai ricolma di gioia e beatitudine. E mai più proverai alcun dolore, nè avrai alcuna malattia, nè alcun dispiacere, nè mancanza di volontà, ma sarai per sempre nella gioia e nella beatitudine per l'eternità. Perché dunque dovrebbe affliggerti il soffrire per un po', dal momento che questa è la mia volontà ed è degno del mio onore?

È volontà di Dio che fissiamo i nostri pensieri in questa benedetta contemplazione il più spesso ed il più a lungo possibile.
 
 
 

Traduzione di Elisabetta Sayiner e AD While the following are the selections made by Martin Buber from Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love in his anthology, Ecstatic Confessions, published in 1909. Passi scelti da Martin Buber (Ecstatic Confessions, Syracuse University Press, 1996; Ekstatische Konfessionen, Verlag, 1909) dal Libro delle Rivelazioni della beata Giuliana di Norwich, tradotto da Domenico Pezzini nel 1984. Julian of Norwich, Showing of Love, edizione definitiva e traduzione a cura di Sister Anna Maria Reynolds, C.P. e Julia Bolton Holloway (Firenze: SISMEL, 2001).

X.xxiv.46v
nd with this our good Lord said full blissfully, 'Lo, how I love you'. As if he had said,  'My darling, behold and see your Lord your God who is your Maker and your endless joy. See your own brother, your Saviour, my child, behold. See what liking and bliss I have in your salvation. And for my love joy now with me'. And also for more understanding this blessed word was said, 'Lo, how I love you'. As if he had said, 'Behold and see that I loved you so much before I died for you, that I would die for you, and now I have died for you and suffered willfully that I may. And now is all my bitter pain and all my hard travail turned to endless joy and bliss to me. And to you. How should it now be, that you should pray anything of me that delights me, but if I should full gladly grant it to you. For my delight is your holiness and your endless joy and bliss with me.

Il nostro buon Signore disse in piena beatitudine: 'Guarda quanto ti amo', come se avesse detto: 'Mia diletta, contempla e guarda il tuo Signore, il tuo Dio, che è il tuo creatore e la tua gioia eterna. Guarda il fratello tuo, il tuo salvatore; figlia mia, contempla e guarda quale gaudio e beatitudine provo per la tua salvezza, e rallegrati con me per il mio amore'. E perché comprendessi più profondamente, furono dette queste parole benedette: 'Guarda quanto ti amo', come se avesse detto: 'Contempla e guarda che ti ho così tanto amato, prima di morire per te, da voler morire per te. E ora sono morto per te, e ho voluto soffrire così. Ora tutta la mia amara pena e tutto il mio duro travaglio sono stati trasformati in gioia eterna e gaudio per me, per te. Come potrebbe accadere ora che tu mi chieda qualcosa che mi è gradito senza che io te lo conceda con grande gioia? Per il mio gaudio è la tua santità, la tua gioia e felicità eterna unita a me'.

XIV.liv.113-113v
And for the great endless love that God has to all mankind, he makes no separation in love between the blessed soul of Christ and the least soul that shall be saved. For it is full easy to believe and to trust, that the dwelling of the blessed soul of Christ is full high in the glorious Godhead. And truly as I understand in our Lord's meaning, where the blessed soul of Christ is, there is the substance of all the souls who shall be saved by Christ. Highly ought we to enjoy that God dwells in our soul, and much more highly ought we enjoy that our soul dwells in God. Our soul is made to be God's dwelling place, and the dwelling place of our soul is God who is unmade. A high understanding it is inwardly to see and to know that God who is our maker dwells in our soul. And a higher understanding it is inwardly to see and to know our soul that is made dwells in God's substance, of which substance by God, we are who we are. And I saw no difference between God and our substance but as it were all God. And yet my understanding took that our substance is in God, that is to say that God is God, and our substance is a creature in God.

E per l'infinito grande amore che Dio ha per tutta l'umanità non fa alcuna distinzione nell'amore tra l'anima santa di Cristo e la più piccola anima che sarà salvata. E' pienamente semplice credere e confidare che la dimora dell'anima beata di Cristo è eccelsa nella gloria di Dio; ma è anche vero, come compresi da quello che nostro Signore mi rivelava, che dove dimora l'anima beata di Cristo, là c'è pure l'essenza di tutte le anime che saranno salvate da Cristo. Dovremmo grandemente gioire che Dio abita nella nostra anima; e ancor più grandemente dovremmo gioire che la nostra anima dimora in Dio. La nostra anima è stata creata per essere la dimora di Dio, e la dimora della nostra anima è Dio che è increato. Sublime conoscenza è vedere e percepire intimamente che Dio, nostro creatore, dimora nella nostra anima, e una conoscenza ancora più grande è il vedere e conoscere più intimamente che la nostra anima, che è creata, dimora  nell'essenza di Dio, e per questa essenza divina noi siamo quello che siamo. E non vidi differenza alcuna tra Dio e la nostra essenza, ma era come se tutto fosse Dio.

XIV.lvi.118
And thus I saw full securely that it is readier to us, and more easy to come to the knowing of God, than to know our own soul.  For our soul is so deep grounded in God and so endlessly treasured that we may not come to the knowing thereof, till we have first knowing of God, who is the maker to whom it is oned. But notwithstanding, I saw that we have naturally of fullness to desire wisely, and truly to know our own soul. Whereby we are taught to seek it where it is, and that is in God. And thus by gracious leading of the holy Ghost, we should know them both in one. Whether we be stirred to know God, or our soul, they are both good and true. God is nearer to us than our own soul, for he is ground in whom our soul stands, and he is the means who keeps the substance and the sensuality together so that they shall never separate. For our soul sits in God in very rest, and our soul stands in God in true strength.  And our soul is naturally rooted in God in endless love. And therefore if we will have knowledge of our soul and communing and dalliance therewith, we must needs seek into our Lord God in whom it is enclosed.

E così vidi con assoluta certezza che più prontamente e più facilmente riusciamo a conoscere Dio che non la nostra anima. La nostra anima è così profondamente radicata in Dio e così custodita per l'eternità come un tesoro che non possiamo giungere a conoscerla se prima non conosciamo Dio, il creatore al quale è unita. Ciò nonostante vidi che per la nostra natura e la nostra perfezione dobbiamo desiderare con sapienza e rettitudine di conoscere la nostra anima, imparando a cercarla dove essa è, e cioè in Dio. E così per la guida che ci viene dalla grazia del Santo Spirito noi conosceremo le due cose in una: sia che siamo spinti a conoscere Dio o la nostra anima; ambedue gli impulsi sono buoni e veri. Dio è più vicino a noi di quanto non lo sia la nostra stessa anima, poiché egli è il fondamento su cui poggia la nostra anima [Egli è il mediatore che tiene unite l'essenza e il desiderio così che non si separino mai]. Poiché la nostra anima riposa in Dio nella quiete, in Dio ha la vera forza. La nostra anima è per sua natura radicata in Dio in un amore infinito. E dunque, se vogliamo conoscere la nostra anima, conversare e entrare con essa in comunione, dobbiamo cercarla in Dio nostro Signore, in Lui essa è racchiusa.

XVI.lxviii.143v

And then our Lord opened my ghostly eye and showed me my soul in the midst of my heart. I saw the soul so large as it were an endless world and as it were a blissful kingdom. And by the condition I saw therein I understood, that it is a worshipful city.

E Dio nostro Signore aprì gli occhi del mio spirito e mi mostrò la mia anima nell'intimo del mio cuore. Vidi che l'anima era così grande da essere come una cittadella senza confini e come un regno beato. Capii da quel che vidi dentro che è una città che deve essere adorata.


Julian's manuscripts, like those of Catherine of Siena, are copied out again and again in the context of Syon Abbey, the Abbey deliberately founded in England in accordance with St Birgitta's Rule by Henry V, in response to her desire for peace between England and the rest of the world. Interestingly, both Julian (circa 1413) and Syon Abbey (1434) were visited by an indefatigable woman pilgrim, mother of fourteen, Margery Kempe.



Margery Kempe (
†1438)

argery Kempe was illiterate and exhibitionistic but valiantly struggled to imitate the lives of these saints and their book-writing. She did so by means of having others read to her devotional books by Walter Hilton and by Birgitta of Sweden and then travelled to the same places Birgitta had visited as a pilgrim, Compostela, Jerusalem , Rome, Trondheim, Cologne and Gdansk. Her confessor was a Dominican, the Dominicans of Lynn being in direct contact with Catherine of Siena's Raymond of Capua. She next dictated her memoirs in order that The Book of Margery Kempe be written down. Birgitta had worked to reform the state, to reform the Kingdom of Sweden by reforming her King, then the state of Europe by reforming not only kings and queens but even Emperors and Popes. Her work with the Friends of God was not for herself but for all of Christendom. Catherine of Siena, likewise, worked for not only her city state of Siena, but for all of Tuscany, striving for peace between the ancient enemies, Siena, Pisa and Florence, then she worked for the Church and for peace in all of Christendom, begging the English mercenary, Sir John Hawkwood, to leave Tuscany and go on a bloody Crusade elsewhere, against pagans rather than Christians. Julian leaves aside issues of Church and State and works directly for the love of one's even-Christian, and she even and perhaps especially shows that charity towards Margery Kempe. Birgitta, Catherine and Julian are characterised by joy, by laughter, Birgitta's maid servant telling Margery many years later that her mistress had always a laughing cheer, Catherine of Siena being deeply loved by her disciples and joking about God playing a joke upon her, Julian bringing in laughter even at her death-bed scene. But Margery takes herself too importantly to be able to laugh at herself - and this makes it hard to take her seriously. What we find in these mystics' writings is that self-importance is a form of noughting, while the love of God and one's neighbour in God's image, is oning.

Margery Kempe visited Julian of Norwich perhaps before 1413 and later reported their conversations, thus providing for us not only the early written texts we now have, the Amherst, Westminster, Paris Texts, but also an Oral Text, spoken just prior to the time that the 1413 exemplar to the Amherst Text was being written. Margery's Manuscript thus allows us to go back to fifteenth-century East Anglia with, as it were, a tape-recorder or an IPod. For this reason we present this essay in an oral recording on the Web which can be read simultaneously with this text, giving the various Julian and Margery texts, on the screen. Julian functioned in her community much like a psychiatrist, healing souls, that Greek word, in fact, meaning 'soul doctor'. For the Middle Ages theology was psychiatry, making use of the Book of Job and of Boethius' Consolation of Philosophy. Julian helps heal Margery's soul, perhaps too by suggesting the therapy of the Jerusalem pilgrimage and the writing of the vast book of her travels, The Book of Margery Kempe.

Both the Amherst and the Butler-Bowden Manuscripts, of Julian's Showing and Margery's Book, are now in the British Library. This essay transcribes directly from the manuscript texts. The letter þ 'thorn' is the Middle English form for th, the letter 3, 'yoch', is g, y or gh, the median letter the scribal s. Contractions are spelled out in italics. The foliation of the manuscripts is cited, preceded by A for Amherst (the Julian Showing Manuscript in the British Library, Additional 37,790), W for Westminster (the Julian Showing Manuscript owned by Westminster Cathedral and on loan to Westminster Abbey), P for Paris (the Julian Showing Manuscript in the Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Anglais 40) which can all be retrieved from the edition by Sister Anna Maria Reynolds, C.P. and Julia Bolton Holloway, published by SISMEL, Florence, 2001), and M for The Book of Margery Kempe (the Butler-Bowden Manuscript, now British Library, Additional 61,823, discovered in 1934, and retrieved from the manuscript rather than from the edition by Sanford Brown Meech and Hope Emily Allen, Oxford: Early English Text Society, 212, 1939, 1961). Letters and words rubricated here are so in the manuscripts. 

Margery has her scribes tell us (M, folio 21)

Julian's 1413/1450 Short Text concludes with an essay on the 'Discerning of Spirits'. Indeed, if Julian of Norwich had been counseled by Cardinal Adam Easton of Norwich Cathedral Priory, who knew Bishop Hermit Alfonso of Jaén and his Epistola Solitarii, and who had together with him defended Birgitta of Sweden's canonisation, the Norwich anchoress certainly would have been 'expert' in the discerning of such spiritual matters and such revelatory showings, about which both the Cardinal and the Hermit Bishop had written. This was a matter, at this time when the pros and cons were being debated concerning women's visionary writings, of the greatest topical concern.

Margery and Julian's conversation continues

Again, we hear in this counsel the precepts written by Adam Easton and by Alfonso of Jaén (also by the Cloud Author in his various Epistles), concerning the discerning of spirits in connection with the validation of the visionary writings of Birgitta of Sweden, whose 1391 Canonisation was to be confirmed at the 1419 Council of Constance despite the 1415 objections of Jean Gerson, Chancellor of the University of Paris, contained in his work, De probatione spirituum. That material had already been given in William Flete's Remedies Against Temptations. And William Flete had left England after writing that work to become an Augustine Hermit at Leccetto and associated with St Catherine of Siena. In the passage we also hear Julian's own beloved phrase, 'euyne cristen', and we can clearly recognise the echoes to the concluding section concerning the 'Discernment of Spirits', in the Julian corpus unique to the Amherst Short Text, A114v-115, and which may perhaps be her last, and authorizing, words in the face of Archbishop/Chancellor Arundel's censorship of Lollardy, particularly where women taught theology: Julian continues in her conversation with Margery, and is now reported in direct speech: That image of the storm-tossed sea reflects that in the Cloud Author's A Pistle of Discretion of Stirings (EETS 231:64.7-23).

Julian next is reported as citing her authorities, Paul and Jerome, to Margery, who perhaps misremembers one of them:

The only possible corresponding passage in Jerome's writings occurs in the heavily philosophical and theological Epistula 84, Ad Pammachium et Oceanum, 'Iungamus gemitus, lacrimas copulemus, ploremus et conuertamur ad dominum, qui fecit nos; non expectemus diaboli paenitentiam. Vana est illa praesumptio et in profundum gehennae trahens; hic aut quaritur uita aut amittitur'. Perhaps Margery here misremembers and Julian was rather speaking of Augustine's account of Monica's tears, Confessions 3.12, recalled also by Birgitta's vision in the Holy Sepulchre concerning the fate of her son, Charles.

Julian next discusses evil:

There is a parallel in Julian/Margery's wording here to the commentaries upon the Psalms Qui habitat and Bonum est, attributed to Walter Hilton and both present in the Westminster Cathedral Julian Manuscript. Has Julian intended not ' city' but 'seat ' in W101v, P116 and 144-145, A112, or has Margery misheard the word? But perhaps Julian deliberately plays upon the likeness of the two words. She may be using the concept expressed throughout Luke 14 where guests need to exercise humility to enter the Kingdom of God, a kingdom that is within us.

Apart from the Hilton and Julian texts in the Westminster Manuscript, making this same point are other texts associated with Julian: Norwich Castle Manuscript, fol. 78v: . . . iusti sedes est sapiencie ffor as seith holy write the soule of the ry3tful man or womman is the see & dwelling of endeles wisdom that is goddis sone swete ihe If we been besy & doon our deuer to fulfille the wil of god & his pleasaunce thanne loue we hym wit al our my3te; and likewise John Whiterig, Contemplating the Crucifixion; from Anima iusti sedes est sapiencie: Proverbs 10.25b; cited, Gregory, Hom. XXXVIII in Evang. PL 76, 1282.

With that last comment, '& o I trut, yter, þat 3e ben', we realise that we certainly are listening to reported speech and that Dame Julian addressed Dame Margery, her 'evyn cristen', even as 'Sister'. The discussion of evil reminds one more of William Flete's Remedies Against Temptations than it does of Julian's 'sin as nought'. Interestingly, this phrasing concerning the soul as a city is closer to that of the Sixteenth Showing in the 1393/1580 Paris Manuscript, P143v-145v, and the 1413/1450s Amherst Manuscript, A112, which both give vestiges of the Lord and the Servant Parable, than it is to the earlier version, the Fourteenth Showing, present in the Westminster, W101-102v, and Paris, P116-119, Manuscripts.

Julian's 'Sovereign Might, Sovereign Wisdom, Sovereign Goodness' as the Trinity is discussed in 'Julian and Judaism'. This can be compared to the 1368/1500s Westminster Manuscript's more subtle account concerning Julian's vision of the Kingdom of Heaven, the City of God, within one's own soul, W101-102v: The Paris Manuscript gives first the Westminster Manuscript version as part of the Fourteenth Showing, greatly expanding it, while noting that it is to be spoken of again later in the Sixteenth Showing, P116-119. In that Sixteenth Showing it is given just as in the Amherst Manuscript, where it appears to be in the form of Julian's consolatory sermon for those who would have felt lost and bewildered by the subtlety of the earlier, far more precocious account, P144-145. W101v-102v and P116-119 are now excised from the text. But elements of it can be traced elsewhere in Julian's words to Margery, especially where they all speak of 'communynge & da=liance therwith', W101-101v, 'comenyng and dalyance ther with', P118v.5-6, (though in Amherst these words, 'daliaunce'. 'commones', sadly occur only in connection with the evil spirit and the soul, A114v.31-115.1), and Margery's use of these same words for her soul talk with Julian: 'the holy dalyawns that the ankres & this creature haddyn be comownyng in the lofe of owyr lord Jhesu crist'.

Of interest, too, is that the Amherst Manuscript contains not only Julian's Showing of Love but also Jan van Ruusbroec's Sparkling Stone, translated into Middle English. Both Julian's Sixteenth Showing, P146, and the Sparkling Stone make use of Revelation 2.17. The Amherst Manuscript, A118, gives the text from Ruusbroec's Sparkling Stone discussing the Apocalypse of St John as the 'Book of the Secrets of God' addressed 'To him that overcometh', in which 'the spirit says in the Apocalyps vincenti says he schalle gyffe hym a lytil white stone and in it a newe name the whiche no man knowes but he that takys it' . This is material Julian well could have shared with Margery.

Julian continues:

Margery then ends her account by saying: John Milton and George Eliot have spoken of books as souls and cities as souls, George Eliot in Middlemarch IX giving us:

1st Gent.  An ancient land in ancient oracles
                Is called "law-thirsty:" all the struggle there
                Was after order and a perfect rule.
                Pray, where lie such lands now? . .
2nd Gent. Why, where they lay of old - in human souls.

Julian and Margery inscribe within the pages of their books their souls and their cities, black-clad Julian in her anchorhold in Norwich inscribing within that small space all the cosmos and its Creator while Margery in her white pilgrim robes trudges to Jerusalem and back.

Julian was readied for printing by Brigittine nuns but it was too dangerous to publish her under Henry VIII or Elizabeth I. (Her text was finally printed by Serenus Cressy in 1670, having been readied for printing by English Benedictine nuns in exile). Margery Kempe, however, was published. The Cell of Self Knowledge published by Henry Pepwell in 1521 was re-published by Edmund G. Gardner, who notes that

'She has come down to us only in a tiny quarto of eight pages printed by Wynkyn de Worde:

     "Here begynneth a shorte treatyse of contemplacyon taught by our lorde Jhesu cryste, or taken out of the boke of Margerie kempe of Lynn."

And at the end:

     "Here endeth a shorte treatyse called Margerie kempe de Lynn. Enprynted in Fletestrete by Wynkyn de worde."
 
Gardner goes on to say:

The only known copy is preserved in the University of Cambridge. It is undated, but appears to have been printed in 1501. With a few insignificant variations, it is the same as was printed twenty years later by Pepwell, who merely inserts a few words like "Our Lord Jesus said unto her," or "she said," and adds that she was a devout ancress. Tanner, not very accurately, writes: "This book contains various discourses of Christ (as it is pretended) to certain holy women; and, written in the style of modern Quietists and Quakers, speaks of the inner love of God, of perfection, et cetera." No manuscript of the work is known to exist, and absolutely no traces can be discovered of the "Book of Margery Kempe," out of which it is implied by the Printer that these beautiful thoughts and sayings are taken.
     There is nothing in the treatise itself to enable us to fix its date. It is, perhaps, possible that the writer or recipient of these revelations is the "Margeria filia Johannis Kempe," who, between 1284 and 1298, gave up to the prior and convent of Christ Church, Canterbury, all her rights in a piece of land with buildings and appurtenances, "which falls to me after the decease of my brother John, and lies in the parish of Blessed Mary of Northgate outside the walls of the city of Canterbury." The revelations show that she was (or had been) a woman of some wealth and social position, who had abandoned the world to become an ancress, following the life prescribed in that gem of early English devotional literature, the Ancren Riwle. It is clearly only a fragment of her complete book (whatever that may have been); but it is enough to show that she was a worthy precursor of that other great woman mystic of East Anglia: Juliana of Norwich. For Margery, as for Juliana, Love is the interpretation of revelation, and the key to the universal mystery:

     "Daughter, thou mayst no better please God, than to think continually in His love."

     "If thou wear the habergeon or the hair, fasting bread and water, and if thou saidest every day a thousand Pater Nosters, thou shalt not please Me so well as thou dost when thou art in silence, and suffrest Me to speak in thy soul."

     "Daughter, if thou knew how sweet thy love is to Me, thou wouldest never do other thing but love Me with all thine heart."

     "In nothing that thou dost or sayest, daughter, thou mayst no better please God than believe that He loveth thee. For, if it were possible that I might weep with thee, I would weep with thee for the compassion that I have of thee."

     And, from the midst of her celestial contemplations, rises up the simple, poignant cry of human suffering: "Lord, for Thy great pain have mercy on my little pain."


Until Hope Emily Allen identifed the Butler-Bowden manuscript in 1934 this was all that was known of The Book of Margery Kempe.
She next edited it for the Early English Text Society, which has yet to edit the text of Julian of Norwich or to publish those of Walter Hilton.


Archbishop Arundel, supporting Henry IV's usurpation of the throne from Richard II, acted oppresively against Lollardy and, indeed, against all contemplative writing for the laity, unless by license. Thus the Carthusian Nicholas Love's A Mirror of the Life of Christ was permitted (a translation from the Italian work, written originally by Franciscans) was allowed, but not others. However, the Charterhouses in England still continued transcribing and composing works of contemplative spirituality until driven abroad at the Reformation, first under Henry VIII, then under Elizabeth I. This epistle, edited by James Hogg, represents such a work, written indeed by one who appreciated and treasured within his monastery's walls Margery Kempe's Book.


Richard Methley, O.Cart. (
1527/8) To Hew Heremyte: A Pystyl of Solytary Life Nowadayes. Ed. James Hogg.



Mount Grace Priory

Preface

My interest in Richard Methley and Mount Grace Charterhouse had been aroused even before I entered the Charterhouse of Sélignac in the autumn of 1961; but my first enthusiasm for him, kindled by reading the late dom David Knowles' sympathetic account in volume II of the magisterial The Religious Orders in England was somewhat damped by the isolated references I came across in The Book of Margery Kempe, indicating a rather exaggerated emtionalism and a tendency to 'excesses'. In any event I was forced to lay him aside through the restrictions of my noviciate, but when in the autumn of 1965 the Carthusian authorities dispatched me to an ill-fated exile at the Charterhouse of Farneta (Lucca), I was allowed, by what proved subsequently to be a misunderstanding among my superiors, to devote some of my time to research on Carthusian history and spirituality, with the result that I began to study the works of Methley and his Mount Grace colleague, dom John Norton, with some care. Two English Benedictine monks, dom Phillip Jebb and dom Dominic Gaisford, placed at my disposal some preliminary transcripts that proved useful in the early stages of my researches, and, in 1967, I was unexpectedly approached by Dr Romana Guarnieri, the distinguished editor of the Archivio Italiano per la Storia della Pietà, to prepare an edition of Methley's Latin glossed translations of The Cloud of Unknowing and The Mirror of Simple Souls. After I had commenced work on the project, the Rev Edmund Colledge OSA, now professor at the Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies at Toronto in Canda, discovered that a Jesuit friend, the Rev James Walsh, had, unknown, to him and Dr Guarnieri, already transcribed the Latin translations from the Pembroke College Cambridge MS. Understandably, my commission was annulled and the edition of James Walsh and Edmund Colledge was announced for the next number of the Archivio. To date strikes, followed by financial difficulties, have prevented the publication of what will undoubtedly be a major contribution, not only to the study of Methley, but of late medieval English spirituality in general.

As a first offering of my own researches, I am presenting an edition of Methley's to hew hereyte - a pystyl of solitary lyfe now a dayes, - a text that has been available to scholars since 1956. Unfortunately the 1956 transcription contains quite a number of obvious blunders, both as regards the Latin and the English, besides the fact that it offers a half-hearted modernised text, useless for critical purposes.

Writings by late medieval English Carthusians are few in number, and Campbell's statement that ' . . . the greater portion of the works written by the English Carthusians in the sixteenth century were destroyed during the dissolution of the monasteries . . . may tend to give an impression of a greater literary activity then, in fact, the Carthusians were capable of, though we do know that some of Methley's works have perished. Thus, apart from the extant original writings in the London Public Record Office Collection SP 1/239, the Experimentum Veritatis (fols. 1-24v), Dormitorium Dilecti Dilecti (25-48), and Refectorium Salutis (49-70v), there is a reference in the Experimetum Veritatis to an apology for the solitary life that cannot be traced. The Refectorium Salutis contains allusions to three further treatises that have also disappeared, whilst in the Dorimitorium Dilecti Dilecti he refers to a work entitled Cellarium, compiled in 1484.

Seen together with his translations in the Pembroke College, Cambridge, MS 221, Methley was obviously a prolific writer on spiritual topics, and surely found superiors more sympathetic to his aims that I was destined to break against in the late 1960's. However, as Campbell observes of such Carthusian works as have survived from the pre-Reformation period,

. . . those that are extant are singularly spiritual, summoning the individual to a life of faith and active and meditative prayer. In this 'silent' preaching the Carthusians were carrying out the command of their great twelfth-century Prior of the Grande Chartreuse, Guigo I, who urged that 'books should be industriously written'. Since their vow of silence forbids preaching the word of God with their mouths, 'we must', he wrote, 'do so with our hands'.
. . .
We do not know the date of Methley's letter to Hugh the Hermit, but, though simple, it shows a marked wisdom, discretion, and yet a touch of firmness in dealing with the difficulties of the eremitical life. It is pleasing to find that his teaching stands in the same tradition as that which his more famous Yorkshire neighbour, St Aelred of Rievaulx, gave to his sister in the twelfth century.


Mount Grace Priory

folio 266
                                               to hew heremyte
Here begynneth a pystyl of solytary lyfe now a dayes
                                                                                                          Capitulum j.
od almyghty al wytty al lovely in whome is al goodnes the wel of mercy & grace: the gloryous trynyte one god & persones thre: that is for to say, the fader & the sonne & the holy gost: He blys vs with his gracyous goodnes & bryng vs vnto his blys in hevyn. Dere broder in christ Iesu thy desyre is good & holy that thou wold be infourmed after thy state that is an herimyt: How thou shuldest pleas god to his worship & profight to thy selfe. God for his mykyl mercy mekenes & grace: gyfe vs bothe grace me to say wel: & the to do therafter to his worship and our mede Amen.
                                                                                                          Capitulum ij.
ripe me de inimicis meis domine ad te confugi, doce me facere voluntatem tuam, quia deus meus es tu. That is to say in englisshe thus Lord delyver me fro myn enemys to the I haue fled. Tech me for to do thy wyl for thou art my god. These wordys are perteynyng to al christen pepyl that askys to be delyuerd fro ther enemyse bodely & gostly the which do fle fro the love of the world: but specyally they perteyne to the that hast fled to god in the wyldernes fro mannys felyship: that thou may the better lerne to do his wil for he is thy god & thou art to love hym specyally. Therfor how thou shalt aske hym to be delyuerd fro thyn enemys I shal by his grace tel the.
                                                                                                          Capitulum iij.
hou hast pryncypally thre enemys - the world thy flesshe & the evil spyryt. Thou mayst fle fro the world to god. But thy flesshe & thy enemye wyl go with the in to the wyldernes. Thou hast mervel why I say in to the wyldernes whan thou dwellyst in a fayer chapel of our lady blessyd worshipped & thanked mu[s]t she be. Aske no more felyshyp for to talke with al but her I pray the: & then I sey that thou dwellyst wel in the wyldernes and sythen yt ys so that thou hast fled fro al women: yf thou may not fle fro thyn owne flesshe, have no woman in thy mynde so ofte as her, & then wel I wot thou shalt overcome thy thre enemys by thes thre vertues that ys to say, agaynst thyn enemy gostly obedyence, agayn thy flesshe clene chastyte; agaynst the world, that thou turne not to yt agayn bot kep pouerte with a good wyl. And then may thou wel say to god almyghty. Lord delyuer me fro myn enemyes for I haue fled to the teche me to do thy wyl, for thou art my god Eripe me de inimicis meis, domine ad te confugi doce me facere voluntatem tuam quia deus meus es tu.
                                                                                                          Capitulum iiij.
vt how shalt thou kepe wel obedyence chastyte & poverty. Be obedyent to god almyghty after hys lawe: & as thou promysed before the byshop whan thou toke the to an heremyte lyfe & also now be obedyent to thy curete that ys thy gostly fader after god & hath charge of thy soule. Remember the then euery mornyng and evenyng what thou art bounden to, and thanke god that hath called the therto & aske hym mercy of al that thou hast not wel kept & say to hym thus Eripe me de inimicis meis domine ad te confugi doce me facere voluntatem tuam quia deus meus es tu And aske hyn grace for to do bettyr in tyme for to come.
                                                                                                          Capitulum vtum
lso clene chastyte must thou nedys kepe. I know none other in the but thou doste kepe yt. But yet I shal tel as I trow wyl do /f. 266v/ the good, by goddys grace, and thou kepe clene chastyte by goddys grace in body & in soule trewly to pleas god and our lady with al, ther ys no vertue that so sone shal bryng the to the trew felyng of the loue of god in erthe. But how shalt thou kepe yt by grace perfightly. Fle al womens felyshyp & ryse vp in thy thought in thy hert & in thy worde to god in hevyn & say thus Iesu Iesu Iesu
Eripe me de inimicis meis domine. Ad te confugi doce me facere voluntatem tuam quia deus meus es tu
                                                                                                           Capitulum vj.
nd I let the wyt ther is no maner of way that is leful to the to haue the lust of thy flesshe. And thynke on wel that I say no maner of way: nowther lyttyl nor mekyl nowther one way nowther other. And therfor a remedy I shal nowe tel the & I pray the kepe yt wele. Thy thought may not be clene alway. But yf yt be in hevyn with god & our lady or with some other good seynt or Aungel And thy thought be there with love, drede & reuerence & mekenes: than dwellys thou ther as seynt paule sayth Nostra conuersacio in celis est Our lyvynge ys in hevyn. And I pray the love wel our blessyd lady & let her be thy leman swete: and say to her thus Tota pulchra es amica mea & macula non est in te. Al fayer thou art o leman myne & ther s not one spot in the, And to her pray & by her sende thy prayers to god and say thus
Eripe me de inimicis meis domine ad te confugi doce me et cetera 
                                                                                                            Capitulum vij.
gaynst ryches of the world ys wylful pouerte a good remedy. And yt ys callyd wylful pouerte for yt must be with a good wyl, and yt wold by ful of a good wyl, yf thou kepe yt perfightly. But how shall thou come to this good wel. By the love of god. For scripture saith thus, Si dederit homo omnem substanciam domus sue pro dileccione quasi non despiciet eam. If a man shuld haue gyven al the ryches of his howse for the loue of god: as yt were no3t he shal despyse yt And I say & thou feld onys in thy hert the love of god, thou woldest despyse al the world. Not despysyng the creatures of god: But thynkyng in comparyson of the love of god: al the world ys but vanyte. And therfore whan thou art temptyed to haue goodys of the world: at the first begynnyng of thy thought tary no longer but say to god thus in englisshe or in latyn as thou hast most deuocyon Eripe me de inimicis meis domine et cetera. And I shall teche the to vnderstand wel this verse O domine O lord eripe delyver thou me, me de inimicis meis of myn enemys confugi I have fled al togedyr ad te to the Doce me teche me, facere voluntatam tuam to do thy wyl quia deus meus es tu for why thou art my god.
                                                                                                            Capitulum viiij.
ther thre thynges ther is nedeful for the to kepe wele, one ys thy syght, an other thy sel, the third ys thy sylens that ys to say hold thy tonge wel. Thy syght must be nedys kepyd wel fro vanytes & than thynke to come to hevyns blys, for the /f. 267/ prophete Ieremy saith thus. Oculus meus depredatus est animam meam. Myne eye hath deprayd my soul Thatys to say myn eye hath refte my soule a pray: as theves do the which lue in the weys syde to rob men & wayten ther pray when ony come by. So whan thou shuldest thynke on godnes that is for to say on god & hevynly or helthful thynges for thy soule: thyn eye wil rauysshe thy mynde here & there but yf thou kepe yt wel, & then as ofte as thou synnest thereby, so ofte robbys thou thy soule as a robber in the way. And as great as the synne ys: so great a vertue takest thou fro thy soule & so great a stroke gyves thou thy soule And wete thou wel that ther ys no synne lytel: but in comparyson of a greater yt ys no lytel thng to offend god almyghty. And have no dowte thou shalt haue great stryfe with thy selfe or thou canst ouer come thy sight. But aske god mercy helthe & grace & say to hym thus Eripe me de inimicis meis et cetera.
                                                                                                             Capitulum ixum 
hy Selle ys the second thyng that I sayd, and what cal I thy selle trowest thou but the place or the chapel of owr blessed lady where thou dwellyst. And wote thou wel, thou has great cause to kepe yt wel, for thou that not rynne here & there to seke thy lyvyng. God hath prouyded for the, and therfor kepe thy selle, & yt wyl kepe the fro synne. Be no home rynner for to see mervels no gangrel fro towne to towne, no land leper wavyng in the wynde lyke a laverooke. But kepe thy sel & yt wyl kepe the. But now thou sayst peraduenture thou mayst not kepe yt for thou art sent for to gentils in the contre whome thou dare not displeas. I answer & say thus. Tel them that thou hast forsakyn the world & therfor but in the tyme of very great nede as in the tyme of dethe or such other great nede; thou mayst not let thy deuocion. And when thou shalt help them loke thou do yt trewly for the love of god & take no thyng but for thy cost. And when thou syttest by thy one in the wyldernes & art yrke or wery. Say this to our lady as saynt Godryke sayd that holy hermyte: Sancta maria virgo mater Iesu christi nazareni protege et adiuua tuum hugonem suscipe et adduce cito tecum in tuum regnum vel in dei regnum. He said adiuua tuum godricum, but thou [may say] tuum hugonem, for thy name ys hewe. This is thus to say in englyshe Saynt mary mayden & moder of Iesu christ of Nazareth holde & helpe thy hewe & lede soaue with the in thy kingdom or say in to the kingdom of god bothe ys good. And I councel the love wel saynt hew of our order of the chartyr monkes. But now thou sayst I trowe thou must come forthe to here messe that ys ful wel semyng but yf thou had masses song withyn thy chapel. But when thou hast hard masse: then fle home but if thou haue a ful good cuase as thou sayst in this verse Ad te confugi, to the lord I haue fled holy bothe body & soule as thou [art] my al. For & thou fle with thy body & not with thy hert fro the world, then art thou a fals ypocryte as scripture sayth/ f. 267v/ Simulatores callidi prouocant iram dei that is thus in englisshe Fals wyly dyssemblers prouoke the yre of god therfore in thy nede agaynst such temptacyons say this verse Eripe me de inimicis meis et cetera.
                                                                                                                Capitulum x m.
he third thyng ys thy sylence. And wete thou wele: yt wyl do the great good and then thynk thus in thy hert makyng no vowe but yf thou lyst Good lord by thy grace I thynke this day to kepe wel my tong to thy worshyp & my wele And specually on fastyng dayes I councel the kepe thy sylence & speke with no creature & thou mayst eschew yt. I have knowen some holy persons that wold so kepe ther sylence as on fryday on wednesday or great sayintes evyns. And the prophet Dauyd sayth thus Obmutui & humiliatus sum & silui a bonis. I  have hold my tongue & I have bene mekyd and I haue kepyd me styl fro good speche. Note wel what he sayth. Fro good thynges or fro good speche I haue kept me styl. And why For fere that among good speche happon some yl. For wote thou wel thou canst not speke mekyl good speche but some wylbe voyd or yl And on the day of dome euery man must gyf a counte of euery ydel worde that he spekyth And therfore eschew speche. And when thou felyst the temptyd to speke say this verse Eripe me domine et cetera.
                                                                                                                Capitulum xj.
ow thou mayst aske me how thou shalt be occupied day & nyght. I say with thy dewty that thou art bounden to And then with more that thou puttest to yt by grace & thy deuocyon. Fyve thinges ther be accordyng for the that yys to say Good prayer, medytacyon that is callyd holy thynkyng, redyng of holy englisshe bokes, Contemplacyon that thou mayst come to by grace and great deuocyon, that ys for to day to forget al manner of thynges but god & for great love of hymn: be rapt in contemplacyon, and good dedys with thy hand. And I pray the do thyn owne chores thy selfe & thou may and when thou art temptyd to haue worke men where no myster ys say the sayd verse Eripe me et cetera.
                                                                                                                Capitulum xij
hat I say now I pray the gyf good hede. Scripture sayth thus. Non enim habet amaritudinem conuersacio illorum nec tedium conuictus illius: sed leticiam & gaudium. Vnderstonde yt thus. The conuersacyon that ys to say the holy lyvyng of a good man hath no bytternes in hert nor yrksomenes to lyfe with god but gladnes & ioy. So if thou wilt lyfe alway in ioy: kepe thy thought alway on god with ove & drede & other vertues. And in the mornyng & evenyng vse long prayers or other spiritual exercyses as ys medytacyon as I sayd before & other lyke & betwene morne & evyn many prayers or spiritual exercyses but shortly & ofte & werke betwixt them & in the tyme of thy werke let not they mynd go fro god. And in the begynnyng thou shalt fele some penaunce or payne, but ever after thou shalt lyfe lyke a throstel cok or a nyghtyng gale for ioy and thanke god & pray for me & as ofte as thou haste myster sayd the said verse Eripe me et cetera. Deo gracias Amen quoth Ricardus methley de Monte gracie ordinis carthusiensis fratri Hugoni deuoto heremite.
III.



III. Their Preservers in Exile from England

A. The Brigittines

B. The Benedictines: Dames Margaret Gascoigne, Bridget More, Barbara Constable, Gertrude More, Catherine Gascoigne, Clementia Cary, Agnes More, Fathers Augustine Baker and Serenus Cressy, OSB

Dames Margaret Gascoigne (†1637)  and Bridget More, OSB (†1665)

Dame Bridget More, OSB

ame Margaret Gascoigne, OSB, an exiled English Benedictine nun at Cambrai in Flanders, died there in 1637, hers being the first grave within the shadow of their monastic house. Before that date she had compiled a contemplative anthology of her devotions. In its Chapter Forty-Two, she had copied out a fragment from a medieval Julian exemplar likely present at Cambrai, and commented upon its text. She misreads, or only partially reads, the text, believing that Julian dies, rather than lives, following her death-bed vision of 1373. Nevertheless she responds appropriately to her reading, taking Julian's experiencing of God's presence into her own intense life of monastic prayer. In so doing she is part of a Benedictine continuity of contemplation, a continuity that transcends time and gender, caring only that the soul be oned with God in eternity that equally included women with men, to be attained in a community where all are vowed to conversion from worldliness, to stability and to obedience.

Dame Margaret Gascoigne's book of devotions would likely have been found in her cell at her death and was treasured by her Benedictine Sisters who particularly made copies of it when the Cambrai daughter house was founded at Paris. The copy that survives, called by Placid Spearitt, OSB, 'Gascoigne B', was most carefully made by Dame Bridget More, OSB, descendant of Thomas More, sister of the foundress of the Cambrai Our Lady of Consolation, Dame Gertrude More, OSB, and herself first Prioress of the Paris Our Lady of Good Hope. Another of their relatives was Dame Agnes More, again a descendant of Thomas More, who wrote a treatise influenced by Julian of Norwich, titled The Building of Divine Love. While Dame Clementia Cary, OSB, was the Foundress of the Paris house; being the daughter of Viscount Falkland, Viceroy in Ireland, she had contacts with Caroline royalty, especially Queen Henrietta Maria, and she brought with her into community her father's chaplain, Serenus Cressy, OSB, who would publish the first edition of Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love in 1670. Dame Margaret Gascoigne had been sister to Dame Catherine Gascoigne, OSB, who was elected first Abbess of Our Lady of Consolation in Cambrai in 1629, both coming from Yorkshire, their niece, Dame Justina Gascoigne, succeeding Dame Bridget More as Prioress at Our Lady of Good Hope in Paris in 1665.

The party of English women had settled in Cambrai in 1623, and within six months they had petitioned the President of the English Congregation to send them a monk qualified to train them in Benedictine contemplative prayer. In answer, they were joined in 1624 by Father Augustine Baker, OSB, who became their spiritual director until his stormy removal in 1633, when he returned to Douai. He went back to England in 1638, dying there in 1641.

The Paris daughter house, founded in 1651, brought forth an intense burst of copying of all devotional books in the Cambrai library prior to that removal, the greatest number being executed by Dame Barbara Constable, who had joined the Cambrai community from Yorkshire in 1645,(3) the copied books including Dame Bridget More's manuscript of Dame Margaret Gascoigne (today, St Mary's Abbey, Colwich, H18, folios 155-161), Dame Barbara Constable's fragmentary manuscript of Julian's Showing of Love (Upholland Manuscript), and Dame Clementia Cary's complete manuscript of Julian's Showing of Love (British Library, Sloane 1). Another complete manuscript is found with Sloane 1 and given the siglum S2. Both these manuscripts have careful annotations made in preparation for the 1670 first edition. Yet another manuscript is the most carefully prepared Stowe 42, turning the queries and NBs of S1 and S2 into carefully prepared but not quite finished shoulder notes from which Serenus Cressy's 1670 edition was to be typeset. All these manuscripts tend to give the words to Christ to Julian in larger script than they do the texts in which these are embedded.

How did Margaret Gascoigne and the Cambrai and Paris communities come by a medieval exemplar of Julian's Showing of Love? It is possible that they acquired the exemplar for the Paris Long Text, Bibliothèque Nationale, Anglais 40 (which in their day was shut up in the Bigot collection in Rouen), but which had been copied out by Syon Abbey in exile in Flanders. They could have obtained that exemplar from Sheen Anglorum. But the manuscripts of G, U, S1 and S2 all differ from P in that they enlarge or underline Christ's words to Julian, while P rubricates them. The other possibility is that Dame Margaret Gascoigne had treasured a Julian manuscript that had remained in her family since the days of Thomas Gascoigne, Chancellor of Oxford and patron of Syon Abbey, and which was to engender in turn G, U, S1, S2, C1 and Serenus Cressy's published edition from C1 as C2.

These texts were read and copied in the midst of a living community of prayer and contemplation, and one that continues today at Stanbrook and at Colwich. But the Sisters had to fight with every weapon of love and obedience to preserve their manuscripts, including their manuscript of Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love. In 1655, they were ordered by Dom Claude White, then President of the English Benedictine Congregation, to surrender their contemplative books which were perceived 'to containe poysonous, pernicious and diabolicall doctrine'. The Abbess and the Sisters prostrated themselves before Dom White, refusing, in charity, to surrender their books (one of them their exemplar manuscript of Julian's Showing of Love),

It was perhaps, knowing of such danger to their books, that Cambrai had already carefully duplicated these for their Paris daughter house. There, once again, their spiritual director was favourable to Augustine Baker's methods for encouraging contemplation in the seventeenth century through the reading and writing of fourteenth-century texts. Father Serenus Cressy, OSB, their chaplain, not only encouraged their scribal activity, but he had them help him prepare an excellent edition of Julian of Norwich's Showing for its eventual 1670 publication. That strategy of carefully copying out their contemplative books from the past, preserving them for the future, stood the English Benedictines in good stead. When most of the Cambrai books were lost at the French Revolution, those at Paris to a large extent survived, including Dame Bridget More's copy of Dame Margaret Gascoigne's Devotions with its passage from Julian's Showing of Love written out in a most lovely hand and lovingly sewn together, and which were brought to England to safety. To England also came the Upholland Manuscript with its Julian excerpts copied out by Dame Barbara Constable. Her portrait survives.(6) To England likewise came the two Sloane Manuscripts with their complete copies of Julian's Showing of Love, the first copied out by Dame Clementia Cary, Foundress of the Paris house. Perhaps even the Westminster Cathedral Manuscript was shipped back to England from Lisbon's Syon Abbey in exile during this period. Perhaps only the Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, Anglais 40, remains now in exile. But, on the other hand, perhaps there are two further Julian of Norwich Showing of Love manuscripts on the Continent, the lost exemplar manuscripts, which may still be in Holland and in Belgium, and which the writer of this Juliansite essay challenges her readers to find.

Text:

42



Since editing the above I enquired of Dame Margaret Truran about their manuscript of Augustine Baker on Dame Margaret Gascoigne and she has kindly sent the following:
 

The passage in Fr Baker’s Life and Death of Dame Margaret Gascoigne on Julian of Norwich runs as follows (my transcript).
"She upon Sunday at night, being the Vigil of St Laurence, in bed beginning to be distressed in body, and the next morning after being present at Mass she there fainted and was carried thence into the Infirmary where remaining to her expiration or last Agony in perfect use of her senses, she for that space spent her thoughts wholly towards God, and in preparation for death, if God should please to send it, and which she esteemed (considering how she found her state of body) would be her lot by means of the Extraordinary Indisposition & sickness she was now in. Towards the said good Preparation for Death, and to hold her the more continually and efficaciously therein, she caused one that was oft conversant & familiar with her to place (written at and underneath the Crucifix, that remained there before her, and which she regarded with her eyes during her sickness and till her death) the holy words that had sometime been spoken by God to the holy Virgin Juliana the Anchoress of Norwich, as appeareth by the Old Manuscript Book of her Revelations, and with the which words our Dame had ever formerly been much delighted: ‘Intend (or attend) to me. I am enough for thee: rejoice in me thy Saviour and in thy salvation.’ Those words, I say, remained before her eyes beneath the Crucifix till her death." Stanbrook Baker MS 19 (copy of Downside Abbey Baker MS 42), pp 46-47.
Gaudium Paschale!

Sr Margaret OSB


Dame Barbara Constable, OSB  (†    )

Dame Barbara Constable, OSB
 
 

n the seventeenth century exiled English nuns were reading, copying out and contemplating upon fourteenth-century texts, one of these being Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love. Dame Barbara Constable, OSB, in particular, in her clearly legible hand, was responsible for the copying out of innumerable Augustine Baker manuscripts, - as they are called by English Benedictine monks. But many of these texts are less those of Father Augustine Baker, OSB,'s writings, than they are of the writings of mystics which he encouraged the English Benedictine nuns to use in their own devotional writings, for their own libraries for contemplation. Dame Barbara Constable in these pages is copying out St Teresa of Avila, Henry Suso, Julian of Norwich (whom she calls 'St Iulian') and John Tauler. She herself never left Cambrai once she entered in 1638, yet her manuscripts made their way to Paris and also to the men's Benedictine abbeys and to the mission in England.

One reason for the great amount of copying done by Dame Barbara Constable and others at Cambrai was because of dissension amongst the English Benedictines, the nuns desiring to continue Father Augustine Baker's contemplative practices, for which he had obtained for them medieval manuscripts from Sir Robert Cotton during his time at Cambrai, 1624-1633, the monks wishing to suppress this activity and call in and censor these texts, first in 1633 and again in 1655. To prevent their loss the nuns, amidst great poverty, even established a daughter house in Paris, in 1651, taking to it duplicates of all their texts, hurriedly made out 1650-1651. Manuscripts of Julian's Showing of Love are mentioned twice in their catalogue, now in the Bibliothèque Mazarine, which was confiscated from the English nuns at the French Revolution. In 1655 the nuns defied the monks, going so far as to threaten to withdraw from the English Benedictine Congregation, rather than relinquish their books on spirituality, their most prized being Julian's Showing of Love. The nuns in Paris had already in their Consitution itself, written out both in English by Dame Clementia Cary, OSB, in English, and in French by Dame Bridget More, OSB, stated that the community would continue in the contemplative practices taught them by the Venerable Augustine Baker, OSB The English nuns in exile were preserving Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love three hundred years after it was written in Norwich and three hundred years before we ourselves - around the world - could hold her text in our hands.

Serenus Cressy, OSB, became the chaplain at the Paris daughter house for a brief period, having already strong associations with the Cary family. He published Augustine Baker's Sancta Sophia or Holy Wisdom , describing these devotional practices based on the Cloud Author's writings, William Flete's Remedies Against Temptations (thought to be by Richard Rolle) and Hilton's Scale of Perfection with its prayer of the pilgrim, 'I am nought, I have nought, I seek nought, but sweet Jesus in Jerusalem'. Cressy also published the writings of Dame Gertrude More, Dame Bridget More's sister, who had founded the Cambrai mother house. These two biological sisters were direct descendants of St Thomas More. Then in 1670 Cressy published the editio princeps, the first edition, of Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love. That text was carefully transcribed in preparation for this publication in England by these English nuns in exile in France, and to do so they collated all their manuscripts of Julian, one of them a now lost medieval exemplar to the two Sloane versions of the Long Text, another a Tudor exemplar like that of Paris, copied out by them into Stowe 42. Thus these nuns had in their possession no less than seven manuscripts in total or in part of Julian's Showing of Love, five of which still exist, two at Cambrai being lost at the Revolution.

Following the French Revolution these English Benedictine nuns returned to England, bringing some of their fine library of medieval contemplative texts with them, while other manuscript books of theirs remain in France. But the Cambrai collection was largely lost, those English Benedictines having been imprisoned at Compiègne with the French Carmelites, the latter of whom were then guillotined, the English nuns inheriting their clothing. Cambrai's Our Lady of Consolation is today Stanbrook Abbey in Worcester, Paris' Our Lady of Good Hope is St Mary's Abbey, Colwich, Stafford.

Of interest is that Dame Margaret Gascoigne and Dame Barbara Constable both present Christ's words to Julian in larger letters, a trait seen also in Westminster in one instance, and throughout in Sloane 3709. When Serenus Cressy took Stowe 42, which instead reduces these words both to differentiate them from the rest of the text, and to save paper, the printer elected to print them instead in italics. In the Paris Manuscript, which at this time was still in Rouen where the Brigittine nuns had left it in their flight in time of war to Lisbon, and to which the English Benedictines lacked all access, Christ's words to Julian are in red, rubricated, a practice familiar to the Brigittines who customarily wrote the Office books so for the next entrant into Syon Abbey following themselves.

Dame Barbara selected fine passages from Julian's Showing of Love, culling these from the Twelfth and Thirteenth Revelations and from Chapters 28, 30 and 32, then followed that selection with a discussion on the Way of Perfection as exemplified in the writings of the two Friends of God, Henry Suso and John Tauler, all of the fourteenth century.

When Hywel Wyn Owen examined the Upholland Manuscript he found it was bound in a piece of the same office book as another manuscript at Colwich, H18, which also contains a fragment from Julian's Showing of Love. This other manuscript is where Dame Bridget More, OSB, descendant of St Thomas More, copied out the contemplative anthology written originally by Dame Margaret Gascoigne, OSB, who had died at Cambrai in 1637.

This Upholland Manuscript became separated from both Abbeys and, according to the Julian scholar, Sister Benedicta Ward, S.L.G, who sought information concerning it, is lost. But Father Eric Colledge, O.S.A., had earlier given to Stanbrook a bound photocopy of the entire text. Because the foliation in the manuscript is incorrect, the verso being written not on the back of the folio but on the subsequent page, that given in Hywel Wyn Owen and Luke Bell's article, 'The Upholland Anthology: An Augustine Baker Manuscript', The Downside Review (1989), 274-292, is also incorrect, so when I requested Dame Easnwyth Edwards, OSB, to photocopy for me the relevant Julian pages, two are lacking. I supply them from Hywel Wyn Owen's transcription. The remainder is taken directly from the photocopy of the Upholland Manuscript. It also gives the two following pages, which are not Julian's Showing of Love, but instead a discourse upon the way of perfection, citing Suso and Tauler.
 


 

[Folio 113]

And after this our lord shewed himselfe more glorifyed, as to my sight then I had seene him before; wherin I was learned to know that our soule shall neuer haue rest till it come into him; knowing that he is full of ioy, homely and curteous, and most blessed and true life. oftentimes our lord Iesu sayd. I it am, That is highest. I it am, that you louest. I it am that thou likest. I it am that you seruest. I it am that thou longest after. I it am that you desirest. I it am. that thou meanest. I it am, that is all. I it am that shewed myself to thee before.

The number of the words passeth my witts and vnderstanding, and all my mights, for they were in the highest, as to my sight;

[113v]

for therein is comprehended I am not able to tell what, so that it cannot be expressed. But the ioy that I saw in the shewing of them exceedingly surpasseth all that hart can thinke, or soule may desire. And therefore these words (the meaning of them) be not declared heere; but euery one according to the grace god hath giuen him in vnderstanding and louing, let them receaue them in our lords meaning.

And after this our lord brought to my mind, the longing desire I had to him before. And I saw that nothing letted or hindred vs but sinne. And me thought if sinne had not bin, we should all haue bin cleane and pure, and like to our lord as hee made and created vs. And thus in my folly before this time I often wondered why, by the forsaid great wisedome of god the beginning of sinne was not hindred or preuented, for then me thought that all should haue bin well. This stirring and

[114]

thought in my mind; I should haue forsaken and not haue yealded vnto it; yet neuerthelesse it caused me to mourne and sorrow without discretion. but Jesu who in this vision enformed me of all thinges that were needfull, answered by this word and sayd: Sinne is behouefull, But all shall be well. In this naked worde. Sinne. our lord brought to my mind generally all that is not good.

Thus I saw how Christ hath compassion on us for the cause of sinne, for full well our lord loveth People that shall bee saued. That is to say gods servants; Holy Church shall be shaked in sorrow and anguish, and tribulation in this world, as a man shaketh a cloath in the wind. And as to this, our lord answered showing in this manner. Ah. A great thing shall I make hereof in heauen, of endles worshio and of euerlasting ioy. Yea so far forth I saw that our lord reioyceth at the tribulation of his servants with pitty and

[114v]

compassion; That to each person that he loueth and intendeth to bring to his bliss he layeth on him something, that is to some affliction or tribulation, that is no impediment to the soule in the sight of God, therby they be humbled and despised in this world, scorned, mocked, and contemned by others And this he doth to hinder and preuent he harme which they are apt to fall into, and would incurre by the pride the pompe and the vaine glory of this wretched life, and for to their way the more readdy, and better prepare them to come to heauen, and enioy his blisse without end euerlasting for he sayth, I shall all to breake you from your vaine affections, and your vitius pride; and after that I shall gather you and make you meeke and mild, cleane and holy by uniting you to mee. And then I saw that each kind compassion that man hath one his euen Christian with charity, it is christ in him, whose loue to man made him to esteeme little of all the paines he suffered in his passion, which loue againe was shewed here in this compassion, wherin were two thinges to be understood in our lords meaning, the on was the blisse that we be

[115]

brought vnto, wherin his will is that we reioyce the other is, for our comfort in our paine and tribulation: for he will that wee know all shall turne to his worship and to our profit by the vertue of his holy passion: and that we know that wee suffered right no thing alone, but with him, and that we see him our ground. And that we see his paines and his tribulations so farre to exceed and surpasse all that we can suffer, that it cannot be fully thought or imagined. And the well beholding and considering of this will keepe vs from ouermuch trouble and despaire in the feeling of our paines, and we see verely that our sinnes deserue it, yet his loue excuseth vs, and of his great curtesy he doth away all our blames and beholdeth vs with ruth and merveilous pitty as children Innocents and vnspotted.

In this our Lords will it to haue us occupyed and exercise to ioy in him for he ioyeth in vs. And the more plenteously that we take of this ioying in our salluation which reuerence and humility, the more thankes

[115v]

we deserue of him, and the more speedy and expedient it is to our selues. And thus we may see and enioy or reioyce in that our part is our Lord. The other part is hid and shutt up, or concealed from us. that is to say, all that is besides our salluation for that is our lords priuy counsell and it belongeth to the Royall Lordship of allmighty god to haue his priuy counsels in peace. And it belongeth to his seruants for obedience and reuerence to him, not to haue or will or desire to know his counsels, Our lord hath pitty and compassion on vs, for that some creatures do busy themselues so much therein seeking and desiring to know and vnderstand the secrets of all mighty god. And I am sure if we know how much we should please him and ease ourselues to forbear it we would do it.

The saints in heaven, thay haue a will to know nothing, but that which our Lord will shew them. And also their charity and desire is ruled according to the will of our Lord. And thus ought we to haue our will like to them; Then shall we nothing will nor desire, but the will

[116]

of our lord like as they do. for we bee all one in gods meaning. And heer I was taught that I should only enioy in our Blessed Sauiour Jesu, and trust in him for all thinges.

One time our good lord sayd, all manner of thing shall be well. And another time he sayd. Thou shalt see thyselfe that all manner of things shall be welle And these two sayings the soule tooke and vnderstood in sundry manners. One was this, that our lord will that wee know that he not only take care of and hath regard to nobel thinges and to great, but also to little and to small, to lowe and to simple, to the one and to the other. And so meaneth he in that he sayth all manner of thing shall be well. For he will that we know that the least thing shall not be forgotten. An other is this, that there be many deeds evill donne in our sight and so great harme comes, and are taken hereby that it seemeth to us that it were

[116v]

impossible that euer they should come to a good end. And vpon these wee looke sorrowfull and mourne therfore, so that it cannot rest in the blessedfull holding of God as we should doe. And the cause is this, that the vse of our reason and vnderstanding is now so blind & Lowe that we cannot know nor vnderstand the high mervailous wisedome, and the goodnes of the most blessed Trinity. And thus meaneth he where he sayth Thou shalt see thy selfe that all manner of thing shall be welle, as if he had seyd take or beleeue faithfully and trust fully and hearafter thou shalt see it verely and truely in fullnes of ioy. And thus in the same fiue words before sayd: I may make all thinges well I vnderstood a mighty comfort (that wee owght to take) of all the workes of our Lord god, that are to come

[The text following that giving excerpts from Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love appears to be a contemplation by Dame Barbara Constable, OSB, or from another Benedictine, and copied out by her, concerning the way of perfection as described in the conversions of the Friends of God Henry Suso and John Tauler.]

[117]

O how exceedingly are we bound to god for discouering vnto vs this way so necessary, and whereof there is so few teachers, considering also how many soules he leaueth in want thereof, and who if they knew the way, would ioyfully prosecute it: O swee Iesus. blessed for euer be thy sweet mercyes; O how vngratefull shall wee proue if wee doe not make good vse of this great blessing of thyne and why should we doubt of thy assistance in prosecution of our way since that our good god of his loue to us and out of his desire of our saluation and perfection hath extraordinarily made knowne vnto us the way, so will he not be wanting in his grace that we may bring all to a perfect end which he intended in his discovuery vnto vs of the way we hauing the way discouered vnto us if we should neglect to tread and prosecute it with perseuerance it

[117v]

had bin far better for us that we had neuer knowne it for (sayth our sauiour) the servant that knoweth the will of his master and doth it not shall be beaten with many stripes.

To come to know the way how to serue god in the way of perfection there is not meane but that it must come from god, and that by one of these two meanes either immediately from god as was the conuersion and instructions of Suso and many others or from him by the meanes of some man as was the conuersion of Thaulerus and the like hath bin of many other. And here Theleurus though he had his conuersion and some instruction at the first from the Lay man, yet afterwards in his spirituall course he was doutles guided by the spirit of god (the lay man not liuing with him


Dame Gertrude More, OSB (†1632)

  

Permission, Ampleforth Abbey Trustees
 

 century later than Father Augustine Baker's July 1624 arrival at Cambrai to give spiritual direction to the English Benedictine nuns there, a manuscript was written out, July 1724, in the Paris daughter house by an anonymous English Benedictine nun, speaking of him as 'father Anonimus'. (This was how Father Baker styled himself in his Life of Gertrude More.) Cambrai's foundation of Our Lady of Comfort would become Stanbrook Abbey, Worcestershire, and Paris' foundation of Our Lady of Good Hope, Colwich Abbey, Staffordshire, both communities returning to England from which they had lived for centuries in exile, following the French Revolution. Dame Gertrude More was the most prominent of the young English Foundresses, 1623, of Our Lady of Comfort, dying in 1633, Dame Catherine Gascoigne was its Abbess from 1629-1676. This manuscript's centennial celebration of Father Augustine Baker's method of prayer, suppressed by an atheist revolution, lost to its religious communities, deserves today being shared and used, by Stanbrook, by Colwich, and by ourselves, by religious and lay, women and men.

Dame Gertrude More and Dame Catherine Gascoigne both wrote defenses of Father Augustine Baker's teaching on prayer, presenting these to the General Chapter of the English Benedictine Congregation in 1633, when all their contemplative manuscripts were called in and examined at Cambrai. During this process, Dame Gertrude was stricken with smallpox and died. So persuasive were their two texts that the English Benedictine Congregation's Chapter told the surviving Dame Catherine, 'Goe on couragiously, you have choosen the best way: we beseech Allmighty God to accomplish that union which your hart desireth'. Dame Catherine was to have to resist again, in 1655, as Dom Augustine Baker had foretold them would happen, against the calling in again of all their contemplative manuscripts. On her deathbed in 1675, Dame Catherine Gascoigne appealed to the then-President of the English Congregation, Dom Benedict Stapylton for 'a new and very ample confirmation' of these writings, 'as being the greatest treasure that belongs to this poor community'. One reason for this conflict was that Father Augustine Baker had revived the medieval form of contemplation through studying and sharing such fourteenth-century texts as Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love , Walter Hilton's Scale of Perfection, William Flete's Remedies Against Temptations, The Cloud of Unknowing, and the works of the Continental Friends of God, like John Tauler and Henry Suso. What had become fashionable instead were the Jesuit Spiritual Exercises, of imaging, though these in turn reflected far more ancient practices connected with Paula's worship in Bethlehem and Calvary, oberved by Jerome, and copied by countless pilgrims to the Holy Places. Those contemplative writings were lost at the French Revolution, apart from two small manuscripts, one of these the Cloud Author's 'Epistle of Privat Counsell', that were preserved in the nuns' pockets during their imprisonment, 1793-1795, part of that time with the French Carmelite nuns, who were to be guillotined, in the Compiègne prison. These two manuscripts are now treasured at Stanbrook Abbey, along with the clothing of the executed Carmelites.

However, the Cambrai nuns had already founded a daughter house in Paris, in 1651, and had made sure that all their precious manuscripts, among them, Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love, were duplicated, many being written out by Dame Barbara Constable, OSB, who remained at Cambrai, and that these texts were taken with the nuns going to Paris, Dame Clementia Cary, their mother foundress, Dame Bridget More, their prioress. The Paris Our Lady of Good Hope carefully stated in their Constitution, in both the French (written by Dame Bridget More) and English (written by Dame Clementia Cary) versions, their desire to continue Dom Augustine's legacy of spiritual reading and writing, so doing deepening their call to the Benedictine religious life. Dom Serenus Cressy became the chaplain of the Paris nuns and saw to it that Dame Gertrude More's writings (1657,1658), including Gertrude More's defense of Augustine Baker's teachings (made at the same time as Catherine Gascoigne's), Augustine Baker's Sancta Sophia, Holy Wisdom (1657) and Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love (1670) were all printed and published. Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love's publication was under the patronage of  Abbot Placid Gascoigne of Lamspringe, Dame Catherine Gascoigne's brother and likewise a Benedictine, during her lifetime (A. Allanson, Biography of the English Benedictines, Ampleforth Abbey, 1999, on Placid or John Gascoigne, as Abbot, 1651-1681), Serenus Cressy noting in his preface, 'Whatsoever benefit thou mayst reap by this Book; thou art obliged for it to a More Venerable Abbot of our Nation, by whose order and liberality it is now published, and by Consequence sufficiently Approved', the marginal note identifying the benefactor as 'The V.R.F.Jo.Guscoyn.L.Abbot of Lamb-spring'. Indeed, it is likely that Catherine Gascoigne, or her sister Margaret, brought the Julian manuscript to Cambrai in the first place. The Gascoigne family claimed Sir Thomas Gascoigne, Chancellor of Oxford and devotee of St Birgitta's Syon Abbey, as relative. The Lowes, connected with Syon Abbey from the fifteenth through the nineteenth centuries, owned Julian's Showing. Dame Margaret Gascoigne wrote about Julian's Showing, and Dame Bridget More copied her text. The Mores and Gascoignes would logically have entered Syon Abbey, then in exile in Lisbon, but for a libel published by a pirate against Syon, causing these English families with the greatest Brigittine ties, to break them and found instead Benedictine Cambrai. Thus the precious legacy of Julian of Norwich Showing of Love manuscripts changed from Brigittine cloisters to Benedictine ones, the Westminster, Amherst and Paris texts being Brigittine, Paris representing the text prepared for Tudor/Elizabethan printing by the Brigittines, the Gascoigne, Upholland, Sloane, and Stowe being Benedictine, likewise the first successfully printed edition by Serenus Cressy.

The Paris English Benedictines, as were the Cambrai English Benedictines, were imprisoned during the French Revolution, but upon finally being freed were able to negotiate the return of most of their manuscripts and books to England, where they are now to be found at Colwich Abbey. However, this manuscript, written by one of their nuns, likely found in her cell at her death as was the custom with such contemplative collections, ended up in Paris' Bibliothèque Mazarine.

Opening of Bibliothèque Mazarine 1202

This particular manuscript, dated July 23, 1724, by its scribe, an anonymous English nun in exile, is sneered at in the Paris, Bibliothèque Mazarine, Catalogue as the production of some superstitious monk. The manuscript is indeed prefaced with an engraving of a Benedictine monk kneeling in prayer, rays of light falling upon him. The cataloguer failed to notice that the anthology of contemplative writings was written by a woman whose humility conceals from us her identity, almost even her gender. This 'Colections' includes writings from Father Augustine Baker, the Friend of God John Tauler, Blessed Angela of Foligno, the Conversio Morum, Bishop of Cambray Fénelon's Letters of Siritual Direction , Dame Gertrude More, including excerpts of her defense of Father Augustine Baker made to the General Chapter of the English Benedictine Congregation in 1633, and Dame Catherine Gascoigne, again this being her defense of Father Augustine Baker's teaching on prayer presented to Chapter in 1633, when all manuscripts were called in. In this same library is also to be found the Catalogue of all their Cambrai Augustine Baker texts, listing as well Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love as 'The Revelations of Sainte Julian', as a manuscript which they owned but which was not from Dom Augustine Baker's collecting, plus another, now lost, manuscript, 'Colections outt of Holy Mo: Juilan' [sic.]. Furthermore this particular surviving 'Colections' manuscript includes a section written by the anonymous nun herself which gives near-quotations from Julian's Showing. This evidence tells us that the Paris house a century later than the Cambrai foundation was continuing to preserve, to live and to celebrate its contemplative legacy.

It is my hope that this transcription will return this important copy of their original Mother Abbess's text to these Abbeys' cloistered nuns at Stanbrook and at Colwich. It is a portion of their treasured lost inheritance. And likewise to share it not only in the cloister, but also with the world. That had been a major purpose of their contemplative copying and writing when in exile, to exercise the 'apostolate of the scribe' as their contribution to the English Mission of the Benedictine monks to the laity of their then lost homeland.


    

~ Nothing has my lord god left un
-done which might win me wholy to
himself, and make me to dispise my
self, and all created things for his
love. for when I sinned, he recal'd
me and forsook me not in that my
 

Permission, Ampleforth Abbey Trustees
 

                      Colections D.G.               322

 
misery of offending such an infinit
goodness so shamefully, & that alsoe
after my entrance into religion,-
nay even after my proffesion in that
blessed state, the hapiness, & worth
wherof I did not yet know by which
means I grew weary of tending bear-
-ing therin his sweet yoke and
light burthen, the which is heavy
only thro our fault, & not in it self
through which default & ignorance
of mine, it became so greivous, and
intolerable to me, that I wish'd oft-
-en it might have bine shaken of from
by me pretending it was soe incom-
-patible with my good, that I could
323          Colections D.G.

scarcely work my salvation, in
this my state & profesion, this my
god you are wittness of was true, &
soe it did continue with me about
two years, after that I had in show
forsaken the world, & the world, ind-
-eed forsaken me, but did my lord
in these biter afflictions forsake me
no, no, but he provided such a help
for me, that quickly was my sorrow
turn'd into joy, yea into such an un-
speakable joy, that it has sweetned
all the sorows which since that time
has befalen me, for as soon as my soull
was set into a way of tending to my
god by prayer and abnegation, I found
 

           Colections D.G.                324

all my miseries presently disperse
themselves, & come to nothing; yea
even in five weeks my soull became
so enamour'd with the yoke of this -
my dear lord, þt if I must have ma
de not only four, but even four th-
ousand vows, to have become wholy
dedicated to him, I should have em-
-braced this state with more joy, and
content then ever I did find in obta-
-ining that which ever I most of all
wish'd & desir'd; yea & thou knowest
my god by my souls being put into a
course of prayer, I seem'd to have now
found a true means, wherby I might
love without end, or measure.


325          Colections D.G.

~Woe to that soull, who over-
-come by threats, or persuasions
from without or by temptations
within her, or other occasions wt
soever gives over her mental pra
yer by mean wherof only she is ca-
-pable of diserning & folowing the
divine tract, inspiration, & will whnce
her whole good is to proceed, & ther
fore O you souls especialy that are
the more capable of internall pray-
er doe you accordingly prosecute it,
and be gratefull to god for the grace
of it, for it causeth the greatest ha-
-piness that is to be goten in this
life & an answerable hapiness, in
the future.
 

              Colections D.G.                  326

by it in this life one paseth through
all things how hard & painfull soever
they be by it we come to be familiar
even with god himself, & to have our
conversation in heaven, by it all im-
pediments will be removed between
god and the soull, by it you will receive
light & grace. for all that god would -
doe by you, by it you will come to reg-
-ard god in all things, & profitably
neglect your selves. by it you shall
know how to converse one earth
without preiudice to your selves souls,
and infine by it you will praise god
& become so united unto him, that
nothing shall be able to seperate
 

327         Colections D.G.

you for time or eternity from his
sweet goodness.


Dame Catherine Gascoigne, OSB (†1676)

Dame Catherine Gascoigne, Cambrai's  Abbess, in 1652
 
 

Dame Catherine Gascoigne's Defense of Father Augustine Baker's Way of Prayer

382  Coll: Lad: Cath: G. Prayer

My prayer I know not how to
express, but it seems to me to be a
longing and vehement desire of
the soull thirsting after the presence
of God, seeking and intending only
and wholy his will and pleasure
with as much purity of intention as
my imperfection will permit. it is
only exercised in the will, some
times in one maner, & sometimes
in another; according to the pres
ent disposition of the soull. now
humbling itself a 1000 times in þe
presence of god, now praising, ble
sing and adoring him, at other times
confounded at my great ingratitude
not daring as it were to appear in


 

      D. Cath: Gas: Prayer        383

his presence, or to elevate myself
towards him by love, wm I have soe
much offended, sometimes I think it
is those we call acts or aspirations,
or rather an elevation of the will tow
ards god; proceeding from an interiour
motion, & enablement to continue þe
same, yet not always with like ferv
our, for many times I find a great &
strong desire to please, and praise god
and yet am not able in any sort to doe
it, and that is my greif. but thus I see
there is no way but patience & resig-
nation, till it pleases him w° only
can enable me, when he pleases G
to doe better, for methinks the more
I strive or force my self the further

384     D. Cath: Gas: Pr:

I am from it. for everything meth
-inks even thinking of good and holy
things doe rather breed images and
cause multiplicity in the soul, and
are distractions & impediments to
me in my prayer, and tendance to
wards god, so I must keep myself
in as much quietness as may be, wth
out using violence or stress, for I
find myself most drawn to that pray
er which tends to an unity, without
adhering to any perticular creature
or image; but seeking only for that
thing wch our lord said to be necesa
ry, and wch contains all things in it
self, according to that saying, Unum
sit mihi totum, id est Omnia in
Omnibus, hoc unum quaero, hoc
 
 

             D. Cath: G: Pr:             385

unum desidero, propter unum
omnia, hoc si habuero contentus
ero, et nisi potitus fuero. semper
fluctus, quia multa me implere
non posunt, Quid hoc unum nescio
dicere, desiderare. me sentio, quo
nihill melius, nec majus est, sed nec
cogitare, potest, non enim hoc un
um inter omnia, sed unum super
omnia est. Deus meus est, cui ad-
haerere, et inhaerere bonum mihi
est. This way of tending and aspiring
towards god, by love and affection doth
in no sort, hinder a soull, from
the due performance of her other
duties and Obligations, and externall
 
 

386       D. Cath: Gas: Pr:

Obediences, much less dos it cause
her to neglect, misprise, or disesteem
of her superiours, their ordinations
and exactions, (as has bine feared)
for it doth cause her to observe and
perform them with more purity of
intention and more readily and more
chearfully, regarding God in the doing
of them, rather then the works that
she doth. and a soull that is caryed
in this affectuous inclination towards
god carefully observing the divine
call and motions, and abstracting
herself from impertinencies and all
things wch doe not belong to her to
doe or undergoo. she will be able to
make use of all things, in there times
[Stanbrook: their due time]
 

          D. Cath: Gas: pray:       387

times, to her advancement in spir
it. for nothing is required of us in
our state of life, but if we know how
to make right use of it, it will further
us in our way, and especially the divine
office, and service of the Quire, as be-
ing an exercise more imediatly belon
ging to the praise and worship of god.
so doe I most comonly find it a great
help and incitement therto, except
when the body is too much wearied or
otherwise indisposed and þs exercise
of love seems to be the best means to
purchase all vertues; for the soull þt
doth faithfully persue it with perse
verance, and faithfully coresponds
in the divine Grace, dos in some sort
 
 

388          D. Cath: Gas: pr:

(according to her progress in this di
vine love) exercise all vertues in
these times, for it is the way of Hum-
ility, of abnegation, of sincere obedi
-ence, of perfect submision, & subjec
-tion to god, and to every creature
for his love, and according to his
good will and pleasure, it causeth
and encreaseth in the soull, a holly
and humble confidence in god, which
does enoble her to pass thro all occuring
difficulties wth chearfulness and ala
crity, not that she shall not meett wth
difficulties (for the way of love is
the way of the cross and full of bitter
mortifications) but because she de
sires so much to please her beloved
that all things wtsoever tho never
 
 

           D. Cath: Gas: Pr:           389

so greivous to nature, become easy
and tolerable to her, wch may draw
more near unto him, and wtsoever
she finds to be a lett or hinderance
in her way of tendance towards him,
as fears, scruples, etc: she doth
pass them over and transcend them by
love, seeking and endeavouring always
to unite herself to god, according to
her maner, and to adher perseverantly
unto him, and although it may per
haps be esteemed a great presumption
for a soull þt has made but litle prog
ress in a spirituall course, & is full
of deffects, and imperfections, to pret
end so high an exercise, as is that of
love and aspiring towards god; yet
 

390          D. Cath: Gas: Pr:

to me it seems to be the best way
to get true humility, nay I canot see
how tis posible for a soull by anny
other means to avoid that most detes
table sin of pride, wch so secretly -
creeps in, & intrudes itself into all
our best actions, & Holiest exercises.
but only by adhesion to god, which
excludes all pride, and all maner of
temptaion of what kind soever,
for the soull þt seeks and pretends
nothing but god, and tends towards
him in the best maner she can by sim
plicity, adhering to noe Image or
created thing, but only to god him
self there is no place for pride, &
therfore noe exercise or maner of
 
 

            D: Cath Gas: Pr:              391

prayer so secure for the soull, and þe
less subject to the Ilusions & deceits of
the †Divell, then this exercise of the will
which is both plain & easie for those soulls
that have an aptness and call unto it, is
faithfully prosecuting, wth the grace of
god concuring, it leads the soull through
all things wtsoever, it is the way of humi
lity, and confidence. for the soull having
continuall recourse to god by prayer is
therby enlightned to see her own nothing
and poverty, and how that she is not able
to effect any thing that is good, without
the divine assistance, butt that she must
wholly, & totally depend of God, and this
dependance, wch the soull sees herself con-
tinually to have of god; methinks it is
able to humble her even to dust, besides
 
 

392          D. Cath: Gas: Pr:

the sins and imperfections to which
she is subject and often falls into. and
indeed god has many secret ways to
humble a soull, and out of his care doth
soe provide that matter of humiliation
shall never be wanting to her, if she will
but accordingly endeavour to make use
therof. and the wonderfull vouchsafe
ment of God All: to is such to a soull þt
seeks and aymes at nothing else but to
be faithfull to him, þt it causes & increa
-ses a great confidence in his goodness, and
his continuall care and providence to
wards her; so that for her part she
seems to have nothing else in the world
to doe, but only to endeavour to comply
with his will, and pleasure. tending
and aspiring towards him by prayer
 

            D. Cath: Gasc: Pr:              393

as he shall enable her for it by his grace,
without taking care or solicitude for
any thing that may concern her keep lea
ving herself and all things wholly to his
sweet disposition, so that her only care
is to please him, and he will sufficiently
provide for her, and for all things that may
concern her good, to wm she hath totally
left herself and all other things, after this
maner to the Divine providence; she
doth not neglect that to wch she is obli-
-ged according to her dutty and charge
for god himself takes care of all, & guides
all, and nothing is lost, but much beter
performed by leaving all to him, as thau
lerus saith In deo nihill negligetur.
and the soull proceeding in this maner
with as much simplicity as she can, seeking
 

394    D. Cath: Gas: Pr:

after nothing but God, her confidence
dailly increases as holly scripture says,
Qui ambulat simpliciter, ambulat
confidenter. and she walks one secure
-ly & quietly under the divine protection,
all things cooperating to her good, for
wtsoever doth hapen to her by gods per
-mision; dos serve to breed†still in her
true and perfect resignation & conf
ormity to the Divine will, wherby she
comes to have & enjoy betwixt God and
her soull, true internall, and solid peace,
even amidst all crosses and opositions, &
variations, that we are subject unto, in
this changeable and miserable life of ours,
which peace, & security noe creature
can give unto a soull but only god himself
and therefore happy are those soulls þt

† & Cause vertically in margin; Stanbrook: more & more]
 
 

           D. Cath: Gas: Pr:              395

that faithfully & perseverently adher
to him, with an internall regard of his
will in all things, and this plain & simple
exercise of the will, taught us by father
Anonimus tends to noe other thing, (soe, far
|as I understand it) þn þs to bring the soull
to a total subjection to god, and to others
for god.
Indeed I am not able to express wt I doe
in part conceive of the excelency & worth-
iness, of this most happy exercise, of tend-
ing aspiring towards god by love, how
be it. I have here endeavoured as well
as I could briefly and sincerely to let
my superiours know by this, how I und-
erstand and desire to practis the same.
humbly submiting myself, & all my ways
and practises, in this or wt else soever to
 

396       D. Cath: Gas: Prayer

be corected by them, purposing & promi
-sing by Gods Grace always to stand to
their judgment and determination, in
all things. and if your Paternities
do think it good & please to aprove it,
I do then most humbly beseech your leave
and blesing, with the assistance of yr
holly prayers, that I may prosecute it
with new fervour & diligence, for noth-
-ing does so much trouble me as my slack
-ness & negligence in it hitherto.
                ~  ~  ~

Invidia omnis
spiritualis
et carnalis
Deo Odibilis
et Anima pestis
satis subtilis
cur non recedis
 

            Colections              397
 

A meo Corde
te detestante
et reluctante
contra motus tuos
valde pestiferos
et desiderante
in vera charitate
omnes Diligere. ~
   to St Arsenius my Dear Patron

God, sent his Angell down, to let þee know
his blesed will wch so by thee, was sought
praying to him to teach þee how to goe,
that way by wch to him thou mightst be brought.
The Angell bid thee fly & silent be,
and suffer nothing to disquiet thee.
Pray that I may fly to God, & hold my peace
and being from all noyse & tumults free
 

                 Colections labour to make all Cogitations cease.
that I may here alone. in quiet be
and living thus on earth abstractedly
my mind may ever placed be one high.
and let my eyes to God be ever turn'd
regarding nothing, that is here below
aspiring daily to be wholly burn'd
with this inflamed love and nothing know
but him allone; whoom I desire to be
my portion, part & all in all to me ~
                   ~
often hath it repented me to have spo-
-ken, never to have bine silent. said
St Arsenius
                 ~  Finis
Laus Deo & Maria. Jully 23 1724
 

Dom Augustine Baker (†1638), Dom Serenus Cressy, OSB (†1674)

'The Parable of the Pilgrim' in Holy Wisdom, Chapter 6, edited by Dom Serenus Cressy from Don Augustine Baker's writings, acknowledges its souce in Walter Hilton, Scala Perfectionis.


Dom Augustine Baker
(†1638), Dom Serenus Cressy, OSB (†1674)

'The Parable of the Pilgrim' in Holy Wisdom, Chapter 6, edited by Dom Serenus Cressy from Don Augustine Baker's writings, acknowledges its souce in Walter Hilton's Scala Perfectionis.

Now for a further confirmation and more effectual recommendation of what hath hitherto been delivered touching the nature of a contemplative life in general, the superminent nobleness of its end, the great difficulties to be expected in it, and the absolute necessity of a firm courage to persevere and continually to make progress in it, whatsoever it costs us (without which resolution it is in vain to set one step forward in these ways), I will here annex a passage extracted out of that excellent treatise called Scala Perfectionis, written by that eminent contemplative, Dr Walter Hilton, a Carthusian Monk, in which, under the parable of a devout pilgrim desirous to travel to Jerusalem (which he interprets as the vision of peace or contemplation), he delivers instructions very proper and efficacious touching the behaviour requisite in a devout soul for such a journey; the true sense of which advice I will take liberty so to deliver briefly as, notwithstanding, not to omit any important matter there more largely, and according to the old fashion, expressed.

'There was a man', saith he, 'that had a great desire to go to Jerusalem; and because he knew not the right way, he addressed himself for advice to one that he hoped was not unskilful in it, and asked him whether there was any way passable thither. The other answered, that the way there was both long and full of very great difficulties; yea, that there were many ways that seemed and promised to lead tither, but the dangers of them were too great. Nevertheless, one way he knew which, if he would diligently pursue according to the directions and marks he would give him - though, said he, I cannot promise thee a security from many frights, beatings, and other ill-usage and temptations of all kinds; but if thou canst have courage and patience enough to suffer them without quarrelling, or resisting, or troubling thyself, and so pass on, having this only in thy mind, and sometimes on thy tongue, I have nought, I am nought, I desire nought but to be at Jerusalem - my life for thine, thou wilt escape safe with thy life and in a competent time arrive thither.

The pilgrim, overjoyed with that news, answered: 'So I may have my life safe, at last come to the place that I above all only desire , I care not what miseries I suffer in the way'. Therefore let me know only what course I am to take, and, God willing, I will not fail to observe carefully your directions. The guide replied: Since thou hast so good a will, though I myself never was so happy as to be in Jerusalem, notwithstanding, be confident that by the instructions that I shall give thee, if thou wilt follow them, thou shalt come safe to thy journey's end.

'Now the advice that I am going to give thee in brief is this: Before thou set the first step into the highway that leads thither, thou must be firmly grounded in the true Catholic faith; moreover, whatsoever sins thou findest in thy conscience, thou must try to purge them away by strong penance and absolution, according to the laws of the Church. This being done, begin thy journey in God's name, but be sure to go furnished with two necessary instruments, humility and charity, both of which are contained in the forementioned speech, which must always be ready in thy mind: I am nought, I have nought, I desire but only one thing, and that is our Lord Jesus, and to be with him in peace at Jerusalem. The meaning and virtue of these words therefore thou must have continually, at least in thy thoughts, either expressly or virtually; humility says, I am nought, I have nought; love says, I desire nought but Jesus. These two companions thou must never part from; neither will they willingly be separated from one another, for they accord very lovingly together. And the deeper thou groundest thyself in humility, the higher thou raisest thyself in charity; for the more thou seest and feelest thyself to be nothing, with the more fervent love wilt thou raisest desire Jesus, that by Him, who is all, thou mayst become something.

Now this same humility is to be exercised, not so much in considering thine own self, thy sinfulness and misery (though to do thus at the first be very good and profitable), but rather in a quiet loving sight of the infinite endless being and goodness of Jesus; the which behldinging of Jesus must be either through grace in a savourous felling knowledge of hi, or at least in a full and firm faith in Him. And such a beholding, when thou shalt attain to it, will work in thy mind a far more pure, spiritual, solid and perfect humility, than the former way of behlding thyself, the which produces a humility more gross, boisterous and unquiet. By that thou wilt see and feel thyself, not only to be the most wretched filthy creature in the world, but also in the very substance of thy soul (setting aside the foulness of sin) to be a mere nothing, for truly, in and of thyself and in regard to Jesus (who really and in truth is all), thou art a mere nothing; and till thou hast the love of Jesus, yea, and feelest that thou hast His love, although thou hast done to thy seeming never so many good deeds both outward and inward, yet in truth thou hast nothing at all, for nothing will abide in thy soul and fill it but the love of Jesus. Therefore, cast all other things behind thee, and forget them, that thou mayest have that which is best of all; and thus doing, thou wilt beome a true pilgrim that leaves behind him houses, and wife, and children, and friends, and goods, and makes himself poor and bare of all things, that he may go on his journey lightly and merrily without hindrance.

'Well, now thou art in thy way travelling towards Jerusalem; the which travelling consists in working inwardly, and (when need is) outwardly too, such works as are suitable to thy condition and state, and such as will help and increase in thee this gracious desire that thou hast to love Jesus only. Let thy works be what they will, thinking, or reading, or preaching or labouring, etc.; if thou findest that they draw thy mind from worldly vanity, and confirm thy heart and will more to the love of Jesus, it is good and profitable for thee to use them. And if thou findest that through custom such works do in time lose their savour and virtue to increase this love, and it seems to thee that thou feelest more grace and spiritual profit in some other, take these other and leave those, for though the inclination and desire of thy heart to Jesus must  ever be unchangeable, nevertheless thy spiritual works thouu shalt use in thy manner of praying, reading, etc., to the end to feed and strengthen this desire, may well be changed, according as thou feelest thyself by grace disposed in the applying of thy heart. Bind not thyself, therefore, unchangeably to voluntary customs, for that will hinder the freedom of thy heart to love Jesus, if grace would visit thee specially.

'Before thou has made many steps in the way, thou must expect a world of enemies of several kinds, that will beset thee roun about, and all of them will endeavour busily to hinder thee from going forward; yea, and if they can by any means, they will, either by persuasions, flatteries, or violence, force thee to return home again to those vanities that thou hast forsaken. For there is nothing grieves them so much as to see a resolute desire in thy heart to love Jesus, and to travail to find Him. Therefore they will all conspire to put out of thy heart that good desire and love in which all virtues are comprised.

'Thy first enemies that will assult thee will be fleshly desires and vain fears of thy corrupt heart; and with these there will join unclean spirits, that with sights and temptations will seek to allure thy heart to them, and to withdraw it from Jesus. But whatsoever they say, believe them not; but betake thyself to thy old only secure remedy, answering ever thus, I am nought, I have nought, and I desire nought, but only the love of Jesus, and so hold forth on thy way desiring Jesus only.

'If they endeavour to put dreads and scruples into thy mind, and would make thee belief that thou hast not done penance enough, as thou oughtest for thy sins, but that some old sins remain in thy heart not yet confessed, or not sufficiently confessed and absolved, and that therefore thou must needs return home and do penance better before thou have the boldness to go to Jesus, do not beleive a word of all that they say, for thou art sufficiently acquitted of thy sins, and there is no need at all that thou shouldst stay to ransack thy conscience, for this will now but do thee harm, and either put thee quite out of thy way or at least unprofitably delay thy travailing in it.

'If they shall tell thee that thou art not worthy to have the love of Jesus, or to see Jesus, and therefore that thou oughtest not to be so presumptious to desire and seek after it, believe them not, but go on and say: It is not because I am worthy, but because I am unworthy, that I therefore desire to have the love of Jesus, for if once I had it, it would make me worthy. I will therefore never cease desiring it till I have obtained it. For, for it only was I created, therefore, say and do what you will, I will desire it continually, I will never cease to pray for it, and so doing I hope to obtain it.

'If thou meetest with any that seem friends unto thee, and that in kindness would stop thy progress by entertaining thee, and seeking to draw thee to sensual mirth by vain discourses and carnal solaces, whereby thou wilt be in danger to forget thy pilgrimage, give a deaf ear to them, answer them not; think only on this, That thou wouldest fain be at Jerusalem. And if they proffer thee gifts and preferments, heed them not, but think ever on Jerusalem.

'And if men despise thee, or lay any false calumnies to thy charge, giving thee ill names; if they go about to defraud thee or rob thee; yea, if they beat thee and use thee despitefully and cruelly, for thy life content not with them, strive not against them, nor be angry with them, but content thyself with the harm received, and go on quietly as if nought were done, that thou take no further harm; think only on this, that to be at Jerusalem deserves to be purchased with all this ill-usage or more, and that there thou shalt be sufficiently repaired for all thy losses, and recompensed for all hard usages by the way.

'If thine enemies see that thou growest courageous and bold, and that thou will neither be seduced by flatteries nor disheartened with the pains and troubles of thy journey, but rather well cotnented with them, then they will begin to be afraid of thee; yet for all that, they will never cease pursuing thee - they will follow thee all along the way, watching all advantages against thee, and ever and anon they will set upon thee, seeking either with flatteries or frights to stop thee, and drive thee back if they can. But fear them not; hold on thy way, and have nothing in thy mind but Jerusalem and Jesus, whom thou wilt find there.

'If thy desire of Jesus still continues and grows more strong, so that it makes thee to go on thy ways courageously, they will then tell thee that it may very well happen that thou wilt fall into coprporal sickness, and perhaps such a sickness as will bring strange fancies into thy mind, and melancholic apprehensions; or perhaps thou wilt fall into great want, and no man will offer to help thee, by occasion of which misfortunes thou wilt be grievously tempted by thy ghostly enemies, the which will then insult over thee, and tell thee that thy folly and proud presumption have brought thee to this miserable pass, that thou canst neither help thyself, nor will any man help thee, but rather hinder those that would. And all this they will do to the end to increase thy melancholic and unquiet apprehensions, or to provoke thee to anger or malice against thy Christian brethren, or to murmur against Jesus, who, perhaps for thy trial, seems to hide His face from thee. But still neglect all these suggestions as though thou heardest them not. Be angry with nobody but thyself. And as for all thy diseases, poverty, and whatsoever other sufferings (for who can reckon all that may befall thee?), take Jesus in thy mind, think on this lesson that thou art taught, and say, I am nought, I have nought, I care for nought in this world, and I desire nought but the love of Jesus, that I may see him in peace in Jerusalem.

'But if it shall happen sometimes, as likely it will, that through some of these temptations and thy own frailty, thou stumble and perhaps fall down, and get some harm thereby, or that thou for some time be turned a little out of the right way, as soon as possibly may be come again to thyself, get up again and return into the right way, using such remedies for thy hurt as as the Church ordains; and do not trouble thyself over much or over long with thinking unquietly on thy past misfortune and pain - abide not in such thoughts, for that will do thee more harm, and give advantage to thine enemies. Therefore, make haste to go on in thy travail and working again, as if nothing had happened. Keep but Jesus in thy mind, and a desire to gain his love, and nothing shall be able to hurt thee.

'At last, when thine enemies perceive that thy will to Jesus is so strong that thou wilt not spare neither for poverty nor mischief, for sickness nor fancies, or doubts nor fears, or life nor death, no, nor for sins neither, but ever forth thou wilt go on with that one thing of seeking the love of Jesus, and with nothing else; and that thou despisest and scarce markest anything that they say to the contrary, but holdest on in thy praying and other spiritual works (yet always with discretion and submission), then they grow even enraged, and will spare no manner of most cruel usage. They will come closer to thee than ever before, and betake themselves to their last and most dangerous assult, and that is, to bring into the sight of thy mind all thy good deeds and virtues, showing thee that all men praise thee, and love thee, and bear thee great veneration for thy sanctity, etc. And all this they do to the end to raise vain joy and pride in thy heart. But if thou tenderest thy life, thou wilt hold all this flattery and falsehood to be a deadly poison to thy soul, mingled with honey; therefore, away with it; caste it from thee, saying, thou wilt have none of it, but thou wouldest be at Jerusalem,

'And to the end, to put thyself out of the danger and reach of all such temptations, suffer not thy thoughts willingly to run about the world, but draw them all inwards, fixing them upon one only thing, which is Jesus; set thyself to think only on Him, to know Him, to love Him; and after thou hast for a good time brought thyself to do thus, then whatsoever thou seest or feelest inwardly that is not He, will be unwelcome and painful to thee, because it will stand in thy way to the seeing and seeking of Him whom thou only desirest.

'But yet, if there be any work or outward business which thou art obliged to do, or that charity or present necessity requires of thee, either concerning thyself or thy Christian brother, fail not to do it: despatch it as well and as soon as well thou canst, and let it not tarry long in thy thoughts, for it will but hinder thee in thy principal business. But if it be any other matter of no necessity, or that concerns thee not in particular, trouble not thyself nor distract thy thoughts about it, but rid it quickly out of thy heart, saying still thus, I am nought, I can do nought, I have nought, and nought do I desire to have, but only Jesus and his love.

'Thou wilt be forced, as all other pilgrims are, to take ofttimes, by the way, refreshments, meats and drink and sleep, yea, and sometimes innocent recreations; in all which things use discretion, and take heed of a foolish scrupulosity about them. Fear not that they will be much a hindrance to thee, for though they seem to stay thee for a while, they will further thee and give thee strength to walk on more courageously for a good long time after.

'To conclude, remember that thy principal aims, and indeed only business, is to knit thy thoughts to the desire of Jesus - to strengthen this desire daily by prayer and other spiritual workings, to the end it may never go out of thy heart. And whatsoever thou findest proper to increase that desire, be it praying or reading, speaking or being silent, travailing or reposing, make use of it for the time, as long as thy soul finds savour in it, and as long as it increases this desire of having or enjoying nothing but the love of Jesus, and the blessed sight of Jesus in true peace in Jerusale; and be assured that this good desire thus cherished and continually increased will bring thee safe unto the end of thy pilgrimage'.

This is the substance of the parable of the Spiritual Pilgrim travailing in the ways of contemplation; the which I have more largely set down because, but the contexture of it, not only we see confirmed what is already written before, but also we have a draught and scheme represented, according to which all the following instructions will be conformably answerable.


A Benedictine Nun in Exile

A hundred years later than Dom Augustine Baker's spiritual directorship of the Cambrai nuns a nun in their Paris daughter house wrote the following into her eighteenth-century manuscript book, now in the Bibliothèque Mazarine, where its cataloguer sneers at it for being 'monkish superstion':

{ My God, above all blesings
grant me a true peace in you
and above all curses remove
far from me a false peace in
creatures.

Title page


{ It is internity or recolectednes.

P. 14


Blessed Angela of Foligno

{ On a certain time while I pray'd in my Cell, these words were sayd
unto me interiorly by God.

Pp. 21-22


Fenelon, Bishop of Cambrai

{ Reflect that you carry the gift of God in an earthern vessel.

P.23


{ O my beginning, when shall I return to thee and putting off whatsoever
I have been formerly, be transformed into thee.

P. 296


{ Take my self and all and give me that one in which is all things.

P. 296


{ O let my Creator come into his tabernacle and temple, where he may
remain Lord and king.

P. 296


{ My God I consecrate myself to you alone, for the whole remnant of my life,
to persue the exercises of an internal life: leaving the fruit and success of
my endeavours to your holy will.

P. 303


{ She speaks of 'desolations, obscurity of mind, & deadness of affections'.

P. 304


{ I doe renounce solicitude to please others; or to gain the affections of any to myself.

P. 304


{ Oh that I had kept inviolately the faith I promised you on my profession day when
in the presence of angells and men, of the whole triumphant or militant church,
in the sight of celestial, or terestials I was solemnly espoused to you my God.

P. 333


{ O eternall God, who hast loved me from all eternity, I am resolved to love you
the short time which remains of my life, to the end I may love you for all eternity.

P. 363


{ Jesus, my God, when shall I become a holocaust of love to you, who made your
soul an offering for sin, for my salvation.

P. 366


{ Foolish is that Religious who having broken the chains of gold and silver
which make so many captives in the world, lets herself be bound in Religion
with threads of flax, I mean with toys, or things of nothing.

P. 371


'Coll: Lady Cath[erine] G[ascoigne's] Prayer:

{ To St Arsenius , my dear Patron:

{ The Angel bid the flye, silent be
and suffer nothing to disquiet thee.
Often hath I repented to have spoken,
never to have been silent, said
St Arsenius

P. 382 



Epilogue

My own Anglican Community based their charisma on that of the English Benedictines in exile and on the Carmelites Saints Teresa of Avila and Juan de la Cruz. They built up a splendid contemplative library, filled with the writings and editions of Evelyn Underhill and Lucy Menzies. I, as their librarian, dreamed of continuing our property as a retreat house teaching this tradition. The Quaker Meeting in Hastings asked that I give a series of conferences at Holmhurst St Mary on the Friends of God. Jewish and Catholic theologians joined us, and we adopted for ourselves the title 'Godfriends', realizing that with this there were no barriers between us, not of gender, not of class. It was here that I could read all of Teilhard de Chardin's books, for he had been our neighbour, and those of Thomas Merton and T.S. Eliot, speaking of our Julian. I felt strongly that this contemplative aspect down the centuries, this dialogic conversation, needed to be included in modern theological studies, alongside skills-training in church restoration, stonemasonry and carpentry, also church embroidery, with apprentices amongst young people transferring these skills to their homes for their families, on the order of the New Testament's carpenter (Jesus), fishermen (Disciples), tent-maker (Paul) and dress-maker (Dorcas). But our Bishop and his Trust ended us, bulldozing the convent and chapel, putting the books down at sea level, sneering at these for being 'old-fashioned', abolishing from the Trust's statement that it was to be ecumenical, and sending us away penniless.

I fled to Italy with my own books pulled from the convent's shelves, my computer and the begged-for convent's Victorian book-binding tools. I was editing the manuscripts of Julian of Norwich in one unheated room for four years. It was here I found Suor Maria Chiara who introduced me to the contempaltive theologian Don Divo Barsotti (2007). At the same time a Dante student had alerted Professor Claudio Leonardi to the edition on Julian and it was accepted for publication by SISMEL (Società per lo Studio del Medio Evo Latino), this because Don Divo had already taught Professore Leonardi about Julian of Norwich. I would find myself in my stumbling Italian conversing with Don Divo about 'Don Bakker' (our Father Augustine Baker), whom he so much admired. Padre Barsotti not only studied English contemplative texts, but also those of the Rhineland mystics, the 'Friends of God'. All this in parallel with Russian spirituality. He named his hermitage above Settignano nestled in its olive grove 'San Sergio' because of a dream vision he had had. Nothing survives of St Sergius' writings, but this is the Canticle Don Divo transcribed from the dream vision, and it owes much to the writings of Julian of Norwich, as well, for St Sergius, his disciple Andrei Rublev and Julian of Norwich are contemporaries, are Trinitarians.

utta l'immensità
l'unità che tutto trascende
lo spirito santo è:
il dono che dall'abisso s'effonde
e penetra tutto
e di sè indivisibile e uno
tutte le cose riempie
e tutte in una luce trasforma.

essun uomo, nessuna creatura,
nulla nel cielo e sopra la terra
ti adora più:
nessuno ti conosca o ti ammiri,
nessuno ti serva, ti ami,
illuminato dallo spirito,
battezzato nel fuoco,
chiunque tu sia:
laico, vergine, sacerdote,
tu sei trono di Dio,
sei la dimora, sei lo strumento,
sei la luce della divinita' . . . .

+++ Dal Cantico di San Sergio di Radonez, Patrono della Russia, 1314-1392.

All the immensity, the unity which transcends all, is the Holy Spirit. The gift which comes from the abyss and penetrates all and of itself is one and indivisible, fills all things, and transforms all into one light.
No one, no creature, nothing of the sky or above the earth could adore you more, no one could know or admire you more, no one could serve you or love you more, illuminated by the Spirit, baptised in flame, whoever you are.
Lay person, nun or priest, you are the throne of God, you are his dwelling, you are the instrument, you are the light of God . . . .

It has been translated also into Russian:

Песнь преподобного Сергия Радонежского


Бог-Отец; Бог-Сын; Бог-Дух Святой
Безмерен Отец; безмерен Сын;
Един Отец; Един Сын; Един Дух Святой,
Един Дух Святой,
Един Дух Святой.
В Троице нераздельной
каждый божественный Лик -
- Сила, Премудрость, Любовь.
Каждая Ипостась -
Божество,  единое,  необъятное.
Вся Бесконечность, Единство, что все превосходит -
это есть Дух Святой;
Дар, приходящий из Бездны
и проникающий всё,
Он, нераздельный, единый,  Собою всё наполняет,
и всё претворяет в свет.
Пусть отныне никто из людей, никакое созданье,
на небе ли, на земле,  пред тобою не преклонится:
никто пусть не знает тебя,  тобою не восхитится; да не послужит тебе и не полюбит тебя никто*.

Просвещенный Духом,
огнем крещенный,
- девственник, священник, монах -
престол ты Божий:

ты жилище,  орудие,
ты свет Божества.
Ты Бог:
Ты Бог - Бог - Бог.
Бог в Отце, Бог в Сыне, Бог в Святом Духе:
Ты Бог:
Бог - Бог - Бог...

Fathers Robert Llewellyn and John Clark, both Anglican priests, have understood and valued the concepts of Mary's Dowry and the English Mission, Father Robert having been Guardian of the Julian Shrine in Norwich and writing such contemplative theology as With Pity, Not with Blame, explaining for modern readers both Julian and the Cloud Author, while Rev Dr John Clark, who lives in the Dream of the Rood's country, has edited Walter Hilton and Father Augustine Baker. I have been privileged with the friendship of both of them, particularly, in the latter case, through the kindness of Dr James Hogg, former Carthusian, and Editor of the Analecta Carthusiana which he publishes in Salzburg. Meanwhile, I have shared my researches with Syon Abbey, with St Mary's Abbey, Colwich, and with Stanbrook Abbey, these Abbeys that returned to England from their long exile, bringing with them, too, the manuscripts they were able to save from the French Revolution and Napoleon's depradations. Hermits must be self-supporting. I now, like Julian, and like the Desert Fathers and Mothers before her, live in a graveyard, in Florence's Swiss-owned so-called 'English' Cemetery, caring for it in exchange for having space for an ecumenical library concentrating on the contemplatives down the ages, Augustinians, Benedictines, Brigittines, Carmelites, Carthusians, Cistercians, Franciscans and Clarissans, Hermits, Anchoresses, Beguines, and Anglicans and Quakers and others as well, their treble and bass voices enshrined in print and now published as well electronically on the World Wide Web, giving Christ's 'Good News'.


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