JULIAN
OF NORWICH, HER SHOWING OF LOVE AND ITS CONTEXTS ©1997-2008
JULIA BOLTON HOLLOWAY ||
JULIAN
OF NORWICH || SHOWING
OF LOVE || HER TEXTS || HER
SELF || ABOUT HER TEXTS || BEFORE
JULIAN || HER CONTEMPORARIES || AFTER
JULIAN || JULIAN IN OUR TIME || ST
BIRGITTA OF SWEDEN || BIBLE
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IN GOD'S IMAGE ||
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OF SAINTS || BENEDICTINISM||
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MANUSCRIPT ||
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Website To reproduce Amherst
Manuscript,
Add. 37,790, fols. 97-97v, apply to The British Library, The Picture
Library,
96 Euston Road, London NW1 2DB.
ANCHORESS AND CARDINAL:
JULIAN OF NORWICH AND ADAM
EASTON
O.S.B.
LECTURE, NORWICH CATHEDRAL,
1
DECEMBER 1998
St Birgitta presents her Revelationes
to Christendom, the Cardinal at her right, Adam Easton, O.S.B., of
Norwich.
From the editio princeps, Lubeck: Ghotan, 1492.

Birgitta of Sweden, Revelationes
, Lübeck: Ghotan, 1492
hen
I last
visited
Norwich /* Alan Oldfield, 'Revelations of
Divine Love', owned by Friends of Julian of Norwich, in St Gabriel's
Chapel,
All Hallows Convent, Ditchingham, Suffolk. Rubricated footnotes with *
(doubled for two images), describe the slides used in 1 December 1998
Lecture,
Norwich Cathedral./ vergers were telling
me
of the exhibition held in this Cathedral of vast canvases painted by an
Australian painter, Alan Oldfield. They thought it very strange that an
Australian from far away and down under would be painting such huge
pictures
about a mere Norwich girl. Here we see an aged Julian the Anchoress in
her cell before her lectern, a cross, a veronica veil - and then
through
the aperture comes the young handsome Christ
in Mary's blue
, in Aaron's blue
, while beyond the whole cosmos wheels away. Julian is of all time and
all space.

Alan Oldfield, 'The
Revelations
of Julian of Norwich', Friends of Julian of Norwich, St Gabriel's
Chapel,
Community of All Hallows, Ditchingham, Bungay, Suffolk.
This paper will discuss our
anchoress,
Julian of Norwich; a lawyer's daughter, Birgitta
of Sweden ; a dyer's daughter, Catherine
of Siena ; a mayor's daughter, Margery
Kempe
of Lynn; and a cardinal, Adam Easton ,
O.S.B.,
who may have linked them all together in a pan-European textual
community,
of women, literate and illiterate, who wrote visionary books./1
/1.The term 'textual
community'
used by Brian Stock, Implications of Literacy: Written Language and
Models of Interpretation in the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries
(Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1983); it works equally well for the
theological
writings of the fourteenth-century Friends of God movement by women and
men, some of whose texts are in the Amherst Manuscript with Julian's
earliest
surviving Showing, British Library, Add. 37,790./
There are four manuscript
versions
of Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love
,/2
/2. Westminster
Cathedral
, MS Treasury 4 (siglum W), on loan to Westminster Abbey; Paris
, Bibliothèque Nationale, MS anglais 40 (siglum P); British
Library, Sloane
2499 (siglum S1); British Library, Amherst
, MS Add. 37,790 (siglum A). Sigla established by Sister Anna Maria
Reynolds,
C.P., University of Leeds, M.A. Thesis, 1947. Citations in this paper
will
be by siglum and folio, e.g. P141v./
further copies of two of these,/3
/3. Sloane 3705
(siglum S2), actually copies an exemplar rather than S1; Stowe
42 (siglum C1), copies exemplar to P or fair copy to Serenus
Cressy's
1670 editio princeps. SS are shorter versions of the Long Text,
but with added chapter descriptions; P,C1 and the Serenus Cressy 1670 editio
princeps are a longer version of the Long Text without chapter
descriptions./
two manuscript fragments,/4
one report of a conversation held
with
her,/5
/5. The Book of Margery
Kempe , British Library, Add. 61,823 (siglum M), M21-21v; ed.
Sanford
Brown Meech and Hope Emily Allen, Early English Text Society (EETS)
212.42-43./
and four wills naming her. None
of
these are written in her own hand. There are no editions in print today
that faithfully render what we have of Julian's Showing.
There
may
however be a manuscript that is written by her, in her own hand, though
it is not Julian of Norwich's Showing of Love. It is in Norwich
Castle and is a collection of texts written by an anchoress for
anchoresses.
It is beautiful, beginning with a lovely Gothic letter
in
gold
leaf
on a purple
ground./6

Norwich Castle Manuscript,
fol.
1
/6. Norwich Castle Museum, MS 158.926 4g.5,
Theological
Treatises in English. The use of gold on purple reflects imperial
codices,
adopted in Christianity for Bibles, and noted by St Boniface
as having been particularly the production of English nuns./

St Birgitta at Prayer, Revelationes
, Lübeck: Ghotan, 1492
In the work of editing the
Julian
manuscripts, published by SISMEL in 2001, I encountered difficulties in
dating the versions of her text. In 1990 I asked Westminster
Cathedral if I could see their manuscript. the following year, after an
awkward silence, for it had been safely placed in a safe and its
whereabouts
forgotten, then found again, I was told I could come back and edit it./7
/7. Translated, Betty Foucard, 1955; edited,
Sister Anna Maria Reynolds, C.P., Leeds University Doctor of Philosophy
Thesis, 1956, Appendix B; Julia Bolton Holloway in Edward P. Nolan, Cry
Out and Write: A Feminine Poetics of Revelation (New York:
Continuum,
1994), pp. 139-203; Hugh Kempster, Mystics Quarterly 23 (1997);
it may have returned to England from Lisbon's Syon Abbey in the
nineteenth
century./
The manuscript begins with the
date
'1368', though it is copied out later than that.

Westminster Cathedral
Manuscript,
date of '1368', bottom first folio.
It is the second-oldest
manuscript
we have of Julian's Showing. It has no reference to the
death-bed
vision of 1373. In it Julian speaks of her desire to die when young,
and
God tells her this will happen soon. Julian in 1368 was just 25 years
old.
Yet the theology of this manuscript is brilliant. It opens with the
Great
O Antiphon, of '{
OUre gracious
god
', as Wisdom and Truth, it shows
the
Nativity of the Word, surrealistically going backwards in time,
becoming
the Annunciation, the Word within Mary's Soul, like the book within
Julian's
and our hands. The Long Text refers back to this scene as its First
Showing
(P8-9,10v, 11-11v,13v-14,47v-48v,128v), which it is not there. It next
includes the hazel nut passage, and it quotes again and again from St Gregory's
Dialogues
on the Life of St Benedict , on how
when
the soul sees the Creator all that is created seems little. Then it
turns
that inside out, like the Beatles' pocket, and speaks of God in a
point,
from Pseudo-Dionysius , the
Greek
Church Father, and from Boethius ,
the
Latin Church Father. It discourses upon prayer, using Origen and
William
of St Thierry's Golden Epistle. It talks to us of Jesus as Mother
, partly from John Whiterig's
Meditationes,/8
/8. John Whiterig, 'The Meditations of the Monk
of Farne', ed. Hugh Farmer, Studia Anselmiana 41 (1957); The
Monk of Farne: The Meditations of a Fourteenth-Century Monk, ed.,
Dom
Hugh Farmer, O.S.B., trans., a Benedictine of Stanbrook (Baltimore:
Helicon
Press, 1961), p. 64./
reflecting back to that opening
of
God and Mary being 'oned
' in the Great O Antiphon of Wisdom
, rather than the noughting of this world. Throughout is the theme of
Wisdom
and Truth and the discoursing upon prayer. Julian uses the concept,
from
Pseudo-Dionysius, Marguerite Porete and Dante Alighieri, of the Holy
Trinity,
to which this Cathedral is dedicated, having the attributes of Might,
Wisdom
and Love. I dedicate this talk to God as Almighty, as all Wisdom and as
all Love.
The Long Text version of
Julian's
Showing
is copied out abroad, first by Syon Brigittine nuns in exile, then by
Cambrai
Benedictine English nuns in exile, in four manuscripts and was first
printed
in 1670. This version is structured as XV+I Showings (lacking as such
in
W and A) based upon the Crucifix and its bleeding that Julian saw when
it was held before her as she and those with her thought she lay dying.
Julian says within this version of her text that she wrote it 15-20
years
minus three months after that 'death-bed' vision at 30 and a half, on
13
May 1373, thus writing it when she was 45-50, from 1388-February 1393.
This version includes the Lord and the Servant Parable. What I
especially
like about this Long Text is that in the Brigittine Paris
Manuscript Christ's words
to Julian are given by the scribe in red
, like a Red Letter Bible
. We hoped to publish our edition of the manuscripts replicating those
pages that way for you. Failing that, at least the paperback
translation
of the manuscripts.
The
Short
Text of the circa 1435-50 Amherst
Manuscript of the Showing says that its one vision,
'Avisioun,'
was shown to 'Julyan that is recluse atte
Norwyche and 3ett ys oun lyf', and
thus 70, its text being written out in 1413.

{
ere es Avisioun. Shewed Be the goodenes of god to Ade=
uoute woman and hir Name es
Julyan
that is recluse atte
Norwyche and 3itt ys oun
lufe. Anno domini millesimo CCCC
xiij [1413]. In the whilke visyou
n er fulle many Comfortabylle wordes and
and gretly Styrande to all they
that desyres to be crystes looveres.
By Permission of the British
Library,
Amherst Manuscript, Additional 37,790, fol. 97.
This Showing of Love
manuscript
version Julian scholars currently believe was written soon after the
'deathbed'
vision of 1373, almost forty years earlier than 1413. But Nicholas
Watson,
in Canada, has been finding that it reflects the greater anxiety
typical
of that later period, when Chancellor Archbishop Arundel
, countering John Wyclif's Lollard Movement, was prohibiting lay people
from teaching theology, especially women, and from their using the
Bible
in the English language./9
/9. Nicholas Watson, 'The Composition of Julian
of Norwich's Revelation of Love', Speculum 68 (1993),
637-683;
'Censorship and Cultural Change in Late-Medieval England: Vernacular
Theology,
the Oxford Translation Debate, and Arundel's Constitutions of 1409', Speculum
70 (1995), 822-864. He argues as do others that Julian's Long Text is
written
later than the Short Text. I believe he is correct about the Short Text
as late, but that instead the Long Text's traditionally-held dating is
right, their order needing to be reversed. Julian would surely have
been
too old at 85-90 for such a drawn-out magnum opus. Similarly
with Piers Plowman drastic revision is now in order: Jill Mann,
' The Power of the Alphabet: A Reassessment of the Relation between the
A and B Version of Piers Plowman' The Yearbook of Langland
Studies
8 (1994), 21-50, discusses A as not the first but a later edition of Piers
Plowman, where Langland shortened and toned down his magnum
opus to
comply with political changes, and yet preserve it, allowing it
continued
circulation/
In 1401 the
death
penalty, De Heretico Camburendo, the Burning of Heretics, had
been
instituted for such teaching, and William Sawtre, Margery Kempe's
curate
of St Margaret's Church, Lynn, had already been so burned in chains at
Smithfield./10
/10. David Wilkins, Concilia Magnae
Britanniae
et Hiberniae (London, 1737), III.252-260: William Sawtre first on
trial
before Bishop Le Despenser of Norwich in Lynn, 1 May 1399, renouncing
his
errors, amongst them stating Christ in flesh and blood was more worthy
of worship than the mere wood of a cross, 25 May 1399, two years later
burned, 26 February 1401, as a relapsed heretic, Despenser bringing
evidence
to his London trial. Augustus Jessop, Diocesan Histories: Norwich
(London: SPCK, 1884), pp. 137-138: 1389, Despenser only Bishop
suppressing
Lollardy; 1399, opposed Henry IV, arrested, imprisoned, 1401,
reconciled./
In 1405
Archbishop Richard le
Scrope
was executed at York, by order of King Henry IV, following a scaffold
sermon
on the Five Wounds, it taking three blows of the sword to kill him,
which
Brigittines then took up as part of their propaganda for founding Syon
Abbey./11
/11. Bodleian Library, Lat.lit.
f.2=Arch.f.F.11,
fols. 58v-60,146v; John Rory Fletcher, Syon Abbey Notebook 3, Exeter
University
Library./
In 1407-09, Chancellor Archbishop
Arundel
published his Constitutions , requiring the
licensing of preachers and ownership of vernacular Bibles, prohibiting
the translating of the Bible into English and limiting writing in the
vernacular
to such texts as the Creed, the Ten Commandments, the Lord's Prayer,
and
standard doctrine. In 1411 at the Carfax at Oxford, and in 1413 in
front
of St Paul's, John Wyclif's books were publically burned. In 1413 there
was further alarm as the Lollard Sir John Oldcastle escaped from the
Tower
and the Oldcastle Rising was in full swing./12
/12. We see evidence of the censorship in
Nicholas
Love's license from Archbishop Arundel for his Myrrour of the
Blessed
Lyf of Jesu Crist, and in Syon Abbey's Myroure of oure Lady,
the latter noting no one 'shulde haue ne
drawe
eny texte of holy scryptyre in to englysshe wythout lycense of the
bysshop
dyocesan ', which its writer has obtained,
'therfore I asked & haue lysence of
oure
bysshop to drawe suche thinges in to englysshe to your gostly comforte
and profyt. so that bothe oure consyence in the drawynge and youres in
the hauynge. may be the more sewre and clere
', ed. John Henry Blunt, EETS Extra Series 19, p. 71./
Therefore, given such a context,
I
concur with Nicholas Watson's observations concerning a later date for
the Short Text, and take very seriously indeed the Amherst
Manuscript version's own date of 1413, believing that it was
written
then, or rather dictated to a scribe, by a most courageous Julian at 70.
For in the Short
Text Julian seems to comply with Archbishop Arundel's 1407-1409
Constitutions:
revising the text; excising swathes of scriptural material; adding and
engrossing a sentence on the Pater
Noster, the Ave and
the Creed
(A109v);
also adding and engrossing St Cecilia's three neck wounds, seeming to
conflate
those of the Roman martyr, who went on preaching for three days despite
those mortal wounds, with those of the English Archbishop of York
Richard
le Scrope's three neck wounds at his 1405 execution, saying she has
been
told of St Cecilia by 'a man of Holy Kirk
', (A97.8-9); speaking of the now-mandatory worshipping of '
Payntyngys of crucefexes', albeit with
some
distaste (A97.16-17), and protesting she had never meant to teach
theology
(A101.4-16). The penalty for teaching or writing theology in English
from
the Bible at this date was death, either by being burned in chains or
by
hanging, drawing and quartering or both, the crime and the punishment
being
simultaneously heresy and treason. Such statements would not have been
made at an earlier time, either close to 1373 or between 1388-1393,
when
scriptural study was instead encouraged rather than condemned.
Moreoever
the coeval Norwich Castle Manuscript complies with writing on the
Lord's
Prayer, and giving Carmelite Richard Lavenham's doctrinal Treatise on
the
Seven Deadly Sins. It was around 1413 that Margery
Kempe from Lynn visited Julian in her anchorhold at St Julian's and
even courageously visited Archbishop Arundel himself at Lambeth Palace,
those two talking theology in the Palace's garden under the stars
./13
/13. The Book of Margery Kempe, EETS
212.42-43,
36-37. She is threatened by another woman at Lambeth with being burned
at Smithfield. For evidence of the difficulties for women studying
theology,
see Ralph Hanna III, 'Some Norfolk Women and Their Books, ca
1390-1440,' The
Cultural Patronage of Medieval Women, ed. June Hall McCosh (Athens:
University of Georgia Press, 1996), pp. 288-305, where he discusses
Margery
Baxter and Avis Mone on trial, their leader William White burned, under
Bishop Alnwick of Norwich, 1428-31./
Sawtre, Margery's curate, had
been
the first person executed in England during these purges. Margery
herself
was often imprisoned, put on trial by bishops, and frequently
threatened
with death. The words of the two texts, Julian's Amherst Showing of
Love and The Book of Margery Kempe resonate
with each other, almost as if we are listening to Julian in stereo.
Both
texts speak of God in the city of our soul, the body as its temple.
Both
thus argue from Paul in the Bible, at the risk of their lives, that
their
women's bodies do not exclude them from Christ's Church. Both texts
quote
material concerning the Discernment of Spirits (A114v-115, M21) from Birgitta
of Sweden 's Revelationes, in its Epistola
Solitarii , written not by Birgitta of Sweden herself, but by
her
editor, Bishop Hermit Alfonso of
Jaén,/14
/14. Eric Colledge, 'Epistola solitarii ad
reges : Alphonse of Pecha as Organizer of Birgittine and Urbanist
Propaganda', Mediaeval
Studies 18 (1975), 19-49; Arne Jönsson, Alfonso of
Jaén:
His Life and Works with Critical Editions of the 'Epistola Solitarii',
the 'Informaciones' and the 'Epistola Serui Christi (Lund: Lund
University
Press, 1989); St Bridget's Revelationes to the Popes: An edition of
the so-called Tractatus de summis pontificibus (Lund: University
Press,
1997); Hans Torben Gilkaer, The Political Ideas of St Birgitta and
her
Spanish Confessor, Alfonso Pecha: Liber Celestis Imperatoris ad Reges,
A Mirror of Princes, Odense University Studies of History and
Social
Sciences 163; Hope Emily Allen, Book of Margery Kempe, EETS
212,
pp.lviii-lix, noting connections between Adam Easton, Alfonso of
Jaén
and Margery Kempe; Rosalynn Voaden, 'The Middle English Epistola
solitarii
ad reges of Alfonso of Jaén: An Edition of the Text in
British
Library MS Cotton Julius F ii, Studies in St Birgitta and the
Brigittine
Order, ed. James Hogg (Salzburg: Institut für Anglistik und
Amerikanistik,
1993), I.142-179./
and echoed in turn in the Defensorium
Sanctae Birgittae, written by a Norwich Benedictine, one Adam
Easton.
Of
interest also is that this
Amherst
Manuscript, the earliest extant of Julian's Showing of Love,
survived
because it was safely within the cloisters of Brigittine Syon
Abbey and Carthusian Sheen Priory,/15
/15. Michael G. Sargent, James Grenehalgh
as Textual Critic, Salzburg: Institut für Anglistik und
Amerikanistik
Universität Salzburg, 1984, 2 vols, gives the Amherst Manuscript's
Syon/Sheen matrix. The manuscript is not in Julian's Norwich dialect
but
that of Grantham, Lincolnshire: Margaret Laing, 'Linguistic Profiles
and
Textual Criticism: The Translations by Richard Misyn of Rolle's Incendium
Amoris and Emendatio Vitae ', Middle English
Dialectology:
Essays on Some Principles and Problems, ed. Margaret Laing
(Aberdeen:
Aberdeen Univesity Press, 1989), pp. 188-223, its first two texts being
the Lincoln Carmelite Prior Richard Misyn's translations of Richard
Rolle
for the recluse Margaret Heslyngton, 1434-1435, later than Julian's
dates.
The subsequent library of texts in the Amherst, which could represent
Julian's
own contemplative library, here copied for female contemplative
readership,
such as the nuns at Syon, may initially have reached Lincoln through
Bishop
William Alnwick's calling in of theological texts written in English
when
he was Bishop of Norwich, in compliance with Arundel's Consitutions.
Bishop
Alnwick, after first placing Margery Baxter and Alis Moon on trial for
daring as women to propogate theology, 1428, was translated to Lincoln.
Furthermore Carmelite Richard Misyn went from Lincoln to York, becoming
Archbishop Richard le Scrope's Suffragan. Present in East Anglia, York
and Syon were Brigittine monks, among them Brother Katillus Thorberni,
seeking to establish a foundation in England. The Lincolnshire Amherst
scribe is responsible for two other manuscripts, one of them, Mechtild
of Hackeborn's Book of Ghostly Grace , for Richard and Ann of
York.
Mechtild's text was also present in the Vadstena library, Sweden, in
numerous
copies, its earliest one bound together, like Amherst, with Richard
Rolle,
Uppsala University Library, C17, transcribed by Brother Katillus
Thorberni,
who was at York, East Anglia, and Syon, 1408-1421. This same Brother
Katillus
is the scribe of Uppsala University Library, C193, which gives Cardinal
Adam Easton and Hildegard of Bingen: Monica Hedlund, 'Katillus
Thorberni,
A Syon Pioneer and His Books', Birgittiana 1 (1996), 67-87./
following that, in the hands of
recusant
families in England. The earlier exemplars in Norwich were destroyed,
likely
either by Arundel's Constitutions for being Lollard, or by the
Reformation
for being Catholic. Though Ian Doyle cannot rule out the possibility
that
this section of this manuscript was written, as it says, in 1413.
Clustered with Julian's text
in
the Amherst Manuscript are others of great interest, one of them Marguerite
Porete 's Mirror of Simple Souls,/16
/16. Published as by a male Carthusian, and
with
the imprimatur, in the same series of Orchard Books, as which
presented
Julian's Showing in our century being then unaware that first
the
text and then its authoress had been burned at the stake in 1310 in
Paris:
[Anonymous], The Mirror of Simple Souls, ed. Clare Kirchberger
(London:
Burns, Oates and Washbourne, 1927; Revelations of Divine Love
Shewed
to a Devout Ankress, by Name Julian of Norwich, ed. Dom Roger
Hudleston,
O.S.B. (London: Burns, Oates and Washbourne, 1927). Its Middle English
version in the Amherst Manuscript and in two others is accompanied by
an
authorizing gloss written by one' M.N.' Paul Verdeyen, 'Le
procès
d'inquisition contre Marguerite Porete et Guiard de Cressonessart, Revue
d'histoire ecclésiastique 81 (1986), 47-94./
who was condemned on the basis of
XV
Articles by 21 doctors of theology of the university for the writing of
that book, her Inquisitors including Victorines, Carmelites, Austin
Canons,
Cistercians and Benedictines, the Franciscan Nicholas
of Lyra among them. Scholars on the Continent now claim that Marguerite
Porete 's Mirror of Simple Souls, influenced by Guillaume
de
Thierry's Golden Epistle and Pseudo-Dionysius'
writings, next influenced
Meister
Eckhart and the Friends of God
movement.
Another work called the Golden Epistle, Marguerite
Porete 's Mirror of Simple Souls, Jan
van Ruusbroec 's Sparkling Stone and an extract from Henry
Suso 's Horologium Sapientiae, in Middle English are all
included
with the earliest surviving Julian's Showing text in the Amherst
Manuscript.
With this
hypothesis, of a
woman
able to write outstanding theology at 25, in 1368, in the Westminster
Manuscript (W); at 45-50, in 1388-1393, in the Paris
Manuscript (P); and at 70, in 1413, in the Amherst
Manuscript (A), I next sought not just the evidence within her
surviving
manuscripts, where I first encountered it, but that of her own life's
context.
/* Fresco, Westminster Abbey, of Benedictine monk in prayer.
Westminster
and Norwich were both Benedictine houses in the Middle Ages.
/ And that was when I discovered a similarly brilliant Norwich
Benedictine.
Let me introduce you to a young working class novice named now Adam
Easton , but who wrote his name as 'OESTONE' or 'Eston', perhaps
from the
village
six miles to the west of Norwich, or who could have been 'OEstrewyk',
'Westwick',
in Norwich's Jewry, whose inhabitants once
paid
for the building of this Cathedral, who would have paced the floors of
this cathedral, and of this cloister, and read the manuscripts in its
library
and written manuscripts in its scriptorium./17
/17. De S. Birgitta vidua, Acta Sanctorum [ASS]
(Paris: Victor Palme, 1867), October 8, Oct IV, vol. 50, 369A, 412A,
468A, 473C; Leslie John MacFarlane, 'The Life and
Writings
of Adam Easton, O.S.B.', University of London, Doctoral Thesis, 1955, 2
vols; Eric College, A Syon Centenary (Syon Abbey, 1961), pp.
5-6; Margaret Harvey, The English in
Rome, 1362-1420: Portrait of an Expatriate Community (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 188-237. Adam
Easton now has a website: http://www.adameaston.info/
whose webmaster has also published this material as a book.
Amongst
his
schoolboy manuscripts are studies of Arabic mathematics and astronomy.
One of these, now at Cambridge University Library, has his drawings of
how to measure the height of the spire of this Cathedral and of the
walls
of Norwich Castle, in which these structures are clearly
recognizable,/18
___
/18. Cambridge University Library Gg.VI.3,
fols.
318,320, Norwich Cathedral Priory shelfmark, X.clxx. Another Easton
manuscript
on astronomy is Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 347, mentions St
Dionysius,
fol. 156v./
while also giving Grosseteste's
Tractate
on Squaring the Circle.
Adam
Easton,
together with Thomas Brinton, was sent to study at Oxford in 1350 where
he was soon teaching the Hebrew of the Old Testament. He also
discovered
during this period the writings of Pseudo-Dionysius
, who was thought in the Greek and Latin Churches to be the Dionysius
converted
by Paul on the Areopagus in Athens, together with the woman Damaris, in
Acts 17./19
/19. Thomas Aquinas quoted Pseudo-Dionysius
1,700
times, believing him to be the Dionysius of Acts 17.34, and therefore
an
Apostolic Father; John Whiterig discusses him and Julian of Norwich
also
wrote of ' Seynte dionisi of france whyche
was that tyme a paynym ' (P37-37v)./
Actually Pseudo-Dionysius
is a Syrian theologian, who lived several centuries later, and who
pretended
to be the converted Athenian Dionysius. That's why we call him
'Pseudo-Dionysius'.
He wrote marvellous but flawed theology. He invented, for instance, the
most un-Christian word and concept, 'hierarchy
'. Unlike Christ's Gospels, he believed intensely in hierarchies in the
Church and among Angels. For this reason Emperors and Kings, both East
and West, sought his collected Works and propagated them in
manuscripts,
one of which Adam Easton himself owned. It's a beautiful manuscript, in
Latin and Greek, and the prayer to the Trinity
as Wisdom is illuminated with a most lovely Romanesque
in
gold leaf,
lapis
lazuli blueand
leafy
green intertwines./20

/20. Cambridge University Library Ii.III.32,
fol. 108v, Norwich Cathedral Priory shelfmark X.ccxxviii (highest
surviving
manuscript number of the six barrels of books Easton willed to his
monastery).
Another of Easton's manuscripts, Origen, Homelia in Leviticum,
Cambridge
University Library, Ii.I.21, Norwich Cathedral Priory shelfmark X.cxx,
includes, ' Aut tibi videtur Paulus cum
ingressus
est theatrum, vel cum ingressus est Areopagum, et praedicavit
Atheniensibus
Christum, in sanctis fuisse? Sed et dum perambulasset aras et idola
Atheniensium
ubi invenit scriptum ''Ignoto Deo''';
Origen's
texts, written for nuns, are particularly sensitive to women in the
Bible,
discussing for instance the woman touching Christ's fringed garment.
Both
the Cloud Author and Julian also use that episode. Easton makes
notes in the manuscript on priesthood./
Recall that the Kings of France
are
buried at the Benedictine Abbey of St Denis outside Paris, the French
believing
that this St Dionysius, their patron, St Denis, had written the
theology
Adam and Julian used, and even that he was also the martyred Apostle to
France, who was beheaded on Montmartre, then picked up his head and
carried
it about, all as well as having been Paul's convert in Athens! The Gothic
style, and its later ramifications, which this Cathedral and East
Anglian
churches came to use, /* Walsingham's
Slipper
Chapel, which survived the Reformation. I photographed it on pilgrimage
there./ and which I showed at the lecture
with a slide of Walsingham's Slipper Chapel, but which I can illustrate
here with the cathedral itself in which this lecture was given,
_
Walsingham, Slipper
Chapel
Norwich Cathedral, West Nave and Window
began at the Benedictine Abbey
of
St Denis in response to Pseudo-Dionysius' Neoplatonist delight in
hierarchy,
mirroring it in stone tracery and glass. Similarly the Victorine monks
poured over Pseudo-Dionysius, weaving from the text an elaborate
theology,
Easton himself being thoroughly immersed in the writings of Hugh and
Andrew
of St Victor on the priesthood. Abelard, alone, himself a monk of St
Denis,
observed the fraudulence of all this legendary material - for which he
was not popular. The King of France's authority and the hierarchy of
the
French church and state greatly depended upon it. Interestingly, Julian
does not like hierarchies but speaks instead of our 'even-Christians'.
Nor does she appreciate the way clerks revere the ranks of angels, and
she says so in the Showing of Love (P166v), in what is perhaps
a
dig at Pseudo-Dionysius,
Adam
Easton and Walter Hilton , all of
whom
were writing on angelic hierarchies, Julian speaking instead of our 'oneing'
as Adam, directly with God, who created us in that image, which is his
own.
Adam Easton was very happy at
Oxford.
Arabic mathematics, Hebrew philology, and Greek theology suited him
fine.
He was fascinated with time and eternity, with how to measure smaller
and
smaller amounts of time. He was also intrigued by time's immensity and
writes out dates in arabic numerals, including those we would expect,
1368,
1373, but going on to not just our year 2000, but the years 40,000,
80,000,
100,000. He hated wasting time. Julian shares that concern
(P134,141v,160v).
Adam Easton was as well deeply versed in spirituality. A Benedictine
student
who overlapped with Adam Easton at Oxford was John
Whiterig , who later became a Hermit on Farne Island, writing on St
Cuthbert, and in the Meditationes, on Jesus as Mother, which
Julian
will quote in her Showing. Amongst Easton's lost
Dionysan/Victorine
writings, perhaps destroyed at the Reformation, are a work on the 'The
Perfection of the Spiritual Life', and translations into the
vernacular./21
/21. 'Totum vetus Testamentum ex Hebraeo vertit
in Latinum', De perfectione vite spiritualis, 'De diuersitate
translationum',
'De communicatione ydiomatum', 'De sua calamitate', amongst numerous
other
titles: John Bale, Scriptorum Illustrium Maioris Brytannie, quam
nunc
Angliam et Scotiam vocant: Catalogus (Basle: Opinorum, 1557-1559);
Ioannis Pisei Angli, Relationvm Historicarvm de Rebus Anglicis
(Paris:
Thierry and Cramoisy, 1619), I.548-549; Index Britanniae Scriptorum,
ed. Reginald Lane Poole and Mary Bateson (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1902),
pp. 4-6./
He lived an active life as
teacher
and diplomat but yearned, too, like John
Whiterig , to be a solitary, a hermit, an anchorite. I believe he
was
to make Julian be his contemplative surrogate while he paced corridors
of power.
However, the Bishop of Norwich
wanted
him back from Oxford, along with a fellow Benedictine, '
Jo', likely the brilliant John Stukley. In
1352, Adam wrote to the Pope begging to be allowed to continue working
towards his degree, appealing against his Bishop./22
/22. Joan Greatrex, Biographical Register
of the Priories of the Province of Canterbury circa 1066-1540
(Oxford:
Clarendon Press, 1997), pp. 502-503; John Lydford's Book, ed.
Dorothy
M. Owen, Historical Manuscripts Commission, Devon and Cornwall
Record
Society 19 (1974), 201, p. 106; 202, p. 107; '
A de E, monk of Norwich appeals again to Holy See to remain at Oxford
until
12 June 1352', 20 (1974), 202. For a sense
of the intellectual milieu of medieval Norwich Cathedral Priory, see
William
Courteney, Schools and Scholars in Fourteenth-Century England
(Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1987), p. 275: '
Stuckely discussed the infinite capacity of the soul for beatitude, the
latitude of forms, finite and infinite intensities, the augmentation
and
diminution of grace, maxima and minima, modal and
tensed
propositions, qualitatitive and quantitative infinites, the relation of
grace and free will, predestination, divine responsibility for sin, and
the possibility of the meritorious hatred of God'
./
The Prior of this Cathedral next
demanded
he and Thomas Brinton return and that they bring back with them all
their
books and plate. Benedictines must obey their Abbot or Prior as if he
were
Christ. So Adam and Thomas now dutifully came back to Norwich and were
here from 1356 to 1363./23
/23. Joan Greatrex notes Easton preached in
Norwich,
Feast of Assumption, 14 August 1356, Norwich Record Office [NRO], DCN
1/12/29.
Brinton's sermons survive, but not Easton's, The Sermons of Thomas
Brinton,
Bishop of Rochester (1373-1389), ed. Sister Mary Aquinas Devlin,
O.P.,
Camden Third Series 85 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1954);
Langland, Piers
Plowman, ed. Walter W. Skeat, I.14-18, B. Prologue 139-215, based
on
Brinton's Sermon 69, II.317, allegory of Parliament and John of Gaunt,
where rats and mice debate belling the cat; motif on Malvern Priory
misericordia.
Norman Tanner says Benedictines' sermons to the laity were lively,
learned
and appreciated, The Church in Late Medieval Norwich 1370-1532
(Toronto:
Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 1984), p. 11; William
Courtenay
notes commitment to Biblical study, encouraged by the Papacy and the
laity,
including translation into the vernacular, excellent preaching,
production
of devotional treatises and participation in the controversy raging
about
Wyclif, characterized this period, 'The 'Sentences' - Commentary of
Stukle:
A New Source for Oxford Theology in the Fourteenth Century', Traditio
34 (1978), 435-438; Schools and Scholars, pp. 275, 373; Grace
Jantzen, Julian
of Norwich (London: SPCK, 1987), p. 22./
The Prior needed Adam Easton and
Thomas
Brinton to preach to the Norwich laity to woo them back from the
Franciscans
and the Dominicans, from the Carmelites and the Augustinians, who were
becoming far too powerful and casting this vast Benedictine Cathedral
into
the shadows./24
/24. Prior of Norwich explains to Prior of
Students
at Oxford that he cannot yet send Adam Easton back to incept at Oxford,
as he is needed at Norwich to help with the preaching and in silencing
the Mendicants, promises to restore him to the bosom of the university
in a year: Documents Illustrating the Activities of the General and
Provincial Chapters of the English Black Monks 1215-1540, ed.
William
Pantin, Camden Third Series 45, 47, 54 (London: Royal Historical
Society,
1931-1933, 1937), 3.28-29, from Oxford, Bodleian Library, Bodley 682,
fol.
116./
We learn that the sermons of the
two
young men were lively and well-attended by the laity. Adam's sermons
could
have included such material as Pseudo-Dionysius
on God in a point , on God as 'I
am'
(Julian's 'I it am '), on God
as Mother , on the Bible text translated directly from Hebrew
into Middle English, and on the Trinity
as Might, Wisdom and Love. All of this material is in Julian's '1368' Westminster
Manuscript . During this period Easton copied out polemical works
against
the Franciscans, even illuminating in one of them grey-clad
Franciscans,
black-and-white clad Dominicans, white-clad Carmelites and grey-clad
Augustinians,
with devils at their throats./25
/25. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 180,
Richard
FitzRalph, Bishop of Armagh, writing against the Friars, Norwich
Cathedral
Priory shelfmark, X.xlvi, LIBER:DNI/DE:OESTONE:/MONACHI:
NOR/WICENSIS' at fol. 88. The illumination
of the opening folio recalls Julian's account of the devil at her
throat
(P142v, A111v), while a similar 1350 Norwich episode is given in
Lambeth
MS 432, fol. 87-87v. A companion manuscript is William St. Amour,
Bodleian
Library, Bodly 151, 'Liber ecclesie
Norwycensis
per magistrum Adam de Estone monachum dicte loci
', Norwich Cathedral Priory shelf mark X.xlvi./
Finally he was able to return to
Oxford
being Prior of Students there, 20 September 1366./26
/26. Greatrex, citing Pantin, Black Monks
, 3.60./
We have a huge bill paid for the
shipping
by wagon of the manuscripts, 113 shillings and threpence./27
/27.'In expensis
Ade de Easton versus Oxoniem et circa cariacionem librorum eiusdem,
cxiijs
iiid '. Greatrex notes total cost, 154s.
8d,
NRO DCN 1/12/30, Sacrist contributes to his inception, NRO DCN 1/4/35,
Refectorer, NRO DCN 1/8/42, Master of Cellar, 30s, to 'master of
divinity',
NRO DCN 1/1/49./
Julian's largest legacy, from
Isabelle,
Countess of Suffolk, was a mere 20 shillings. Among those manuscripts
would
have been Pseudo-Dionysius' Works, Origen on Leviticus, perhaps
one by Rabbi David Kimhi on
Hebrew
philology, in Hebrew,/28
/28. David Kimhi, Sepher Ha-Miklol
(Book
of Perfection) Sepher Ha-Shorashim (Book of Roots), Cambridge,
St
John's College 218 (I.10); The Longer Commentaries of R. David
Kimhi
on the First Book of the Psalms, trans. R.G. Finch, intro. G.H. Box
(London: SPCK, 1919), p. 16, noting of Deuteronomy 32.18, '
He is to you as a father, and the one that gave thee birth - that is
the
mother'. Further material, bibliography: www.glaird.com/contents.htm§
and also Easton's schoolboy manuscripts on time, originally written
here.
He came back again to Norwich, in 1367-1368, and at the same time that
Julian may have been writing the Westminster
Cathedral
Manuscript (W)'s original version at 25.
Next, and now addressed as
'Master',
Adam Easton left Norwich to work for Cardinal Langham at Avignon where
the Pope was then residing. It was at Avignon that Master Adam Easton
came
to own John of Salisbury's Policraticus, now at Balliol, by
writing
it out himself./29
/29. Oxford, Balliol 300b, Norwich Cathedral
Priory shelfmark X.clxxxxiii, with Easton's marginalia to passages used
in Defensorium Ecclesiastice Potestatis, such as, 'Respublica
beata est quando per sapientiam gubernatur
', fol. 63./
Julian will use its political
language
again and again in her 1388-1393 Long Text. Adam Easton was
professionally
jealous of his Oxford colleague, John Wyclif, and wrote to the
Benedictines
at Westminster Abbey asking that they send him reports on Wyclif's
Oxford
lectures against the Benedictines./30
/30. Westminster Abbey Muniment 9229*. Its
scribe
is the second, and un-English, hand in Easton's John of Salisbury's Policraticus
, Balliol 300b, Catalogue of the Manuscripts of Balliol College,
Oxford
, ed. R.B. Mynors (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1963), p. 320./
Wyclif and Julian were for Gospel
equality,
Easton for Dionysian hierarchy. While at the Papal Curia in Avignon and
later in Rome, when the learned and ambitious Adam Easton himself
became
Cardinal, he came to know Birgitta
of Sweden and Catherine of
Siena
, and learned to admire them for their visionary writings. Perhaps
because
he already knew of a Norwich lass, writing a similar book. And perhaps
because he already knew of Birgitta's
Revelationes
.

Diptych of Bishop Hemming of
Turku,
Birgitta of Sweden, Urdiala, Finland
At this point we need to
voyage
across the Northern Sea to Scandinavia, to Finland and Sweden. /*
Urdiala, Finland, Diptych of Bishop Hemming of Åbo, Finland,
being
mitred by an angel, and Birgitta of Sweden, in the act of writing the Revelationes
. For a study of Birgitta in art, especially as writing her Revelationes
, see Mereth Lindgren, Bilden av Birgitta (Hoganas: Wiken,
1991)./
This diptych shows
Bishop Hemming of Abo, Finland,
and Birgitta of Sweden , whom he
encouraged
to write her Revelationes, her visions. Birgitta was a Swedish
noblewoman,
mother of eight children, widowed young, who had had an important
vision
in Arras in France when returning from pilgrimage to Compostela in
1342,
the year Julian was born, and in which St
Dionysius had spoken to Birgitta of the need for peace between the
Kings Philip VI of France and Edward III of England./31
/ 31. Revelationes
IV.104-5 ; Bodleian, Ashmole Rolle 26 (olim 27), verso, gives
letter/vision
for Edward III, Philip IV, 'Orante xi
sponsa
Beata Birgitta vidit in visione qualiter beatus Dionisius orabat pro
Regno
francie ad virginem mariam Libris Xo Celestium Revelacionem
'; Colledge, 'Epistola', cites similar Cambridge, Corpus Christi
College 404, fol. 102v./
Birgitta even sent envoys from
Sweden
to the Kings of England and of France and to the Pope, in 1347-1348,
pleading
for peace in Europe and the end to the Hundred Years' War, those envoys
including Prior Petrus and this Bishop Hemming
, who conveyed the text of her visions, the Revelationes, or
Showings,
introduced by Magister
Mathias , a Swedish scholar who had studied Hebrew in Paris./32
/32. Revelationes I.3.8-9: '
Iste fuit quidam sanctus vir, magister in theologia, quo vocabatur
magister
Mathias de Suecia, canonicus Lincopensis. Qui glosauit totam Bibliam
excellenter.
Et iste fuit temptatus a diabolo subtilissime de multis heresibus
contra
fidem catholicam, quas omnes deuicit cum Christi adiutorio, nec a
demone
potuit superari, ut in legenda vita domina Birgitte hoc clarius
continetur.
Et iste magister Mathias composuit prologum istorum librorum, qui
incipit
'Stupor et mirabilia' etcetera. Fuit vir sanctus et potents
spiritualiter
opere et sermone'
Magister Mathias
' commentary on Apocalypse, based in part on that of Nicholas
of Lyra under whom he studied, influenced St Bernardino of Siena,
Colledge,
' Epistola', p. 22, likely reaching Siena by way of Alfonso
of Jaén who had Sienese ancestry and who returned there in
connection
with Catherine of Siena. Magister Mathias refers to Cardinal Jacques de
Vitry's support of the beguine Marie
d'Oignies , a model Margery Kempe's scribe also used./
/* Manuscript illumination,
Birgitta
of Sweden's Revelationes, Book V./ Magister
Mathias was brilliant, filled with doubts, and Birgitta proceeded to
teach
him his theology, writing this out in her vision of the ladder in Book
V, the 'Book of Questions ', of the Revelationes,
which came to her while journeying to the King's Palace at Vadstena, to
be given to her for her convent. Julian, and her editor, will quote
this
text in her Long Text and Short Text Showing of Love
(P59,93,153-155v,
A107).

St Birgitta, Revelationes
V, Book of the Questions, Doubting Monk (Magister Mathias) on Ladder,
Nurenberg:
Anton Koberger, 1500.
Thus England had already known
of
a woman's text called the Revelationes, the Showings, twenty
years
before Julian's hypothetical writing of the initial version of her
Revelations
or
Showings./* Hans Memling, 'John
Writing Revelation on the Island of Patmos', St John's Hospital,
Bruges./

Hans Memling, St John Writing
Revelation,
St John's Hospital, Bruges
Birgitta's Revelationes
are
modeled upon John's Revelation, the Book of the Apocalypse, but written
by a woman instead of a man. including the theme of theological
doubting
by men, countered by women's faith. It is also likely that those Baltic
envoys disembarked at one of the Norfolk ports like Lynn. (In 1415 the
Swedish Brothers and Sisters from Vadstena's Abbey so came to help
Henry
IV/Henry V found the English Brigittine Syon
Abbey where Julian's manuscripts were to be so carefully preserved,
Katillus Thorberni, coming from Vadstena on preparatory mission in
England,
1408.) Perhaps the embassy visited Norwich, then the second largest
city
in England, on their way to King Edward III. The young Benedictine,
Adam
Easton, had not at that date left Norwich Cathedral Priory for Oxford
University.
Prior Petrus and Bishop Hemming could have been here, within these very
cathedral walls, with that early version of Birgitta's Revelationes
or
Showings in their hands .

Spanish Chapel, Santa Maria
Novella,
Florence X See detail
below
/** 'Via Veritatis' fresco,
Spanish
Chapel, Santa Maria Novella, Florence, of Birgitta's prophecy of Pope
and
Emperor meeting, as they did in 1368, with Birgitta as black and white
clad widow, her beautiful, simply-clad, daughter, Catherine of Sweden,
beside the crowned Queen Joanna of Naples and behind Lapa Acciaiuoli,
extreme
right./ During the Black Death Birgitta
herself
left Sweden herself and came to Italy in 1350. In this political
allegory
painted on the walls of the Spanish Chapel in Santa Maria Novella, in
Florence,
we can see to the extreme right
Catherine
of Siena , Birgitta of Sweden , her
daughter
Catherine of Sweden, Queen Joanna of Naples and Lapa Acciaiuoli, sister
of Nicolo Acciaiuoli, who out of his guilt for his sins, had built the
vast monastery of Certosa outside of Florence and who had died in
Birgitta's
presence, 8 November 1366./33

Queen Joan of Naples, Catherine
of Sweden, Birgitta of Sweden, Lapa Acciauoli
/33. Millard Meiss, Painting in Florence
and
Siena after the Black Death: The Arts, Religion and Society in the
Mid-Fourteenth
Century (New York: Harper and Row, 1973), pp. 86, 88, 91, 125;
Anthony
Luttrell, 'A Hospitaller in a Florentine Fresco: 1366/8', Burlington
Magazine 114 (1972), 362-66; Julia Bolton Holloway, 'Saint
Birgitta
of Sweden, Saint Catherine of Siena: Saints, Secretaries, Scribes,
Supporters', Birgittiana
1 (1996), 29-45./
Birgitta
continued writing her Revelationes,
her Showings, throughout her whole long life, now with the assistance
and
oversight of a Spanish Bishop become Hermit, Alfonso of Jaén,
who
first was drawn into her circle in 1368, the year that Birgitta of
Sweden
succeeded in bringing both Pope Urban V from Avignon and the Emperor
Charles
from Prague, to Rome.

St Birgitta, Revelationes,
Nurenberg: Anton Koberger, 1500.

Birgitta of Sweden gives her
completed
Revelationes
to her editor, Bishop Hermit Alfonso of Jaen, the friend and associate
of Cardinal Adam Easton, Benedictine of Norwich, from Lubeck: Ghotan,
1492
editio
princeps.
/** Illuminated manuscript page
in
Siena, showing Birgitta in the act of writing the Revelationes,
within the Revelationes./ Another
illustration
of Birgitta in the act of writing comes from a manuscript written for
Cristofano
Di Gano, one of St Catherine of
Siena
's disciples and scribes, giving the entire Revelationes of St
Birgitta,
translated into Sienese Italian and today still in Siena;/34
/34. Siena, Biblioteca Communale degli
Intronati,
I.V.25/26, Colophon: 'Compagnia de la
vergina
maria di siena, posta nell ospedale di sancta maria della scala. E
fecelo
faro Ser xpofano di gano da siena. Frate notaio del detto spedale.
Pregate
dio per lui'. This is Catherine's
cenacolo,
which had accompanied her to Avignon in 1376, and which is still active
eighteen years after her death, this manuscript being written out in
1399
and still in Siena./
while Christopher Di Gano's
translation
into Latin of Catherine's Dialogo in Sienese Italian will come
to
England and eventually be printed as The Orcherd of Syon./35
/35. The Orcherd of Syon ed. Phyllis
Hodgson
and Gabriel M. Liegey, EETS 258; Phyllis Hodgson, 'The Orcherd of
Syon
and the English Mystical Tradition', Proceedings of the British
Academy
50 (1964), discussing its likeness to Julian's Showing. A
similar
cross-fertilizing occurs between Sweden and England, as between England
and Italy, with Vadstena treasuring the writings of English mystics
Richard
Rolle and Walter Hilton amongst their manuscripts./
Another disciple to Catherine
of Siena , and indeed her executor, was the Englishman, William
Flete , who became an Augustinian Hermit at Lecceto, outside Siena,
who had, like Walter Hilton , been
educated
at Cambridge,/36
/36. Catherine of Siena's Letters 64, 66, 227,
326, etc., are to William Flete. He wrote Remedies Against
Temptations
before leaving England, he sent 'Three Letters to the Austin Friars in
England' from his hermitage in Italy: Aubrey Gwynn, The English
Austin
Friars in the Time of Wyclif, pp. 96-210, esp. 193-210/ and whose
text, Remedies
Against Temptations/37. 'Remedies Against Temptations : The
Third English Version of William Flete', Archivio Italiano per la
Storia
della Pieta 5 (Rome, 1968), p. 223./
Julian quotes from Flete again
and
again in the W,P,A Showing of Love.
Master Adam Easton returned
again
to England and Norwich that same year, with a letter from Pope Urban V
to Edward III, dated 3 May, 1368. He was back in Avignon in 1369.
Julian's
Westminster
Cathedral Showing version of her text was perhaps written in 1368.
I have told of its lovely opening invoking '
{O
Ure gracious and good lord ', and its vision of the Virgin at the
Nativity
and the Annunciation, spoken of in the Long Text as the First Showing
(P128v).

Then we move into her most
moving
vision. /* Michelangelo's David's hand,
which
is his own./

Hebrew has the letter that
begins
God's name, and Jerusalem's and Judea's and Joshua's and Jesus's and
Julian's
be the smallest letter of all yod, - and be the letter that
means
' hand '.

/* God holding Cosmos He has
created,
as a fragile glass orb./
__
We have in medieval
iconography
the image of God holding in his hand all that is, the entire universe
of
which he is king, the whole cosmos as a ball, even as a fragile glass
ball,
surmounted by a cross. /* Richard II,
Coronation
Portrait, Westminster Abbey./
Similarly Richard II and
Elizabeth
II and countless other kings and queens have held orbs,
the globe with the cross of Jerusalem at its top, in their imaging of
God
at their Coronation. But here it is not God or Edward III who holds all
this fragile globe, this blue marble astronauts see from space.

It is Julian the Anchoress,
and
she holds in her hand a small thing, the quantity
of an hazelnut , and she is told generally in her understanding -
by
God - that it is all that is made.

Julian, like Wisdom in
Proverbs
8, like Gregory on Benedict , is
playing
with God marvellous sacred cosmic games of proportion. And she and God
invite us to join in. Easton wrote that Adam was the first High Priest.
We are the Royal Priesthood, priests and kings, each of us, being
descended
from Adam, in Julian's thought.
In the following year 1370 Birgitta
of Sweden presented Pope Urban V and Cardinal Beaufort, who was to
become the next Pope, Gregory XI, another edition of her massive book,
the Revelationes , or Showings, and in that year the Dominican
Thomas
Stubbes and the Carmelite Richard Lavenham were lecturing on Birgitta's
Revelationes
or Showings at Oxford./37
/37. ASS October 4:409A: '
revelationes in scholis Oxoniensibus et in cathedris publicis
magistralibus
exposuerunt magni sua aetate doctores Thomas Stubbes, Dominicanus,
Ricardus
Lavynham, Carmelita, et adhunc alii ejus generis multi circa annum
domino
MCCCLXX'. /
In that year, too, the Pope
appointed
Henry le Despenser Bishop of Norwich who had fought beside Sir John
Hawkwood
in Italy. /* Fresco by Paolo Ucello in
Duomo,
Florence, of Sir John Hawkwood. Florence had agreed to pay Sir John
Hawkwood
in part with a marble equestrian statue in his honour. They only
half-honoured
that debt with a seeming marble statue./

So we now begin to see that
Julian's
homely Norwich is really pan-European, with important links to
Scandinavia
and to Italy. The Italians call Sir John Hawkwood, 'Gianni Acuto', whom
we see here in the fresco by Paolo Ucello in Florence's Cathedral, the
Duomo. /** Ambrogio Lorenzetti's frescoes
of Siena at Peace and War, in the second where condottieri, hired
mercenary
soldiers, are about to commit rape./ In
Siena's
Sala della Pace we can see Ambrogio Lorenzetti's depiction of Siena at
Peace, and of Siena at War, during warfare waged by these English
condottieri.
Terry Jones in Chaucer's Knight describes them well. St
Catherine
of Siena was so appalled at their brutality that she wrote to Sir John
Hawkwood begging that he take such soldiers as Henry le Despenser away
from Christian Tuscany and have them wage a Crusade instead against the
Saracen. This enthronement as bishop of a condottiere came about
because
the Pope received word of the previous Bishop of Norwich's death while
Henry le Despenser was standing before him and whom he had to pay. He
did
so with the Bishopric, and constantly called upon Bishop le Despenser
to
wage Crusades against fellow Christians who had elected an opposing
Pope
to himself. It is not likely that Bishop le Despenser, who was
unlettered
and martial, would have initially allowed Julian to become an Anchoress
in the Anchorhold at St Julian's Church in Norwich. St Julian's
Anchorhold
and Church were under the patronage of the Benedictine nuns of Carrow
Priory
which in turn was under the patronage of the Benedictine monks of
Norwich
Cathedral Priory./38
/38. David Knowles, The Religious Houses of
Medieval England (London: Sheed and Ward, 1940), p. 65; Roberta
Gilchrist
and Marilyn Oliva, Religious Women in Medieval East Anglia
(Norwich:
University of East Anglia, 1993)./
The Benedictines of Norwich
Cathedral
Priory and Bishop le Despenser thoroughly hated each other and were
only
reconciled years later. It is at this point we find the first
references
to Julian as being left money in wills to carry out her work of prayer
at St Julian's. She may have earned her keep earlier, as had been
typical
for anchoresses, in teaching children their ABC
and their Catechism. Under Archbishop Chancellor Arundel's Constitution
such teaching came to be forbidden by the laity.
In 1371-1373 Cardinal Simon
Langham
and Master Adam Easton were asked by Pope Gregory XI to work on peace
between
England and France, /39
/39. Devlin, Sermons of Thomas Brinton,
p. xiv/
in accordance with Birgitta
of Sweden 's 1342 Revelation, which is copied out in English
manuscripts,
giving St Dionysius speaking
to Birgitta in Arras of the need for peace between the Kings of France
and England. We have further evidence of Easton's presence in England
at
this time./40
/40. Greatrex, noting Thomas Pykis, precentor
of Ely, paying 40s to Easton's clerk, 1371-2, Cambridge University
Library
Add. 2957, fol. 45./
Easton would again have returned
to
his mother house, Norwich Cathedral Priory, around 1371-1373. He could
even
have been the 'religious person' at Julian's supposed deathbed, in May
of 1373, for that is the term typically used of a Benedictine monk
living
under vows of religion. Julian tells us that when she told this person
of her vision, of the Crucifix 'bleeding fast', he suddenly stopped
laughing
and took her very seriously indeed, of which she was greatly ashamed
(P141v,
A111v). Adam Easton at this time would have taken very seriously indeed
a woman's vision, especially of the Crucifix,
/* St Birgitta's Vision of the Crucifix Which Spoke to Her. Its
iconography
collapses the 'Crucifix in San Damiano Speaking to St Francis', with
'St
Francis Receiving the Stigmata at L'Averna'./
for that was a most famous and recent vision his friend Birgitta of
Sweden
had had, of the Crucifix which spoke to her at St Paul's Outside the
Walls
at Rome, in 1368. But he would not have been the appropriate person to
whom she could then make her confession concerning the Discernment
of Spirits , and she is greatly troubled about making that
confession.
Yet
Julian's
vision in Norwich is quite different from that of Birgitta's 1368
vision
in Rome. As she gazed upon the Crucifix Julian
began to see the blood flow from the garland of thorns about Christ's
head.
She describes it as like the rain upon thatched eaves - and we know
that
St Julian's Church roof was thatched at this time - /41
/41. Francis Blomefield, An Essay Towards
a Topographical History of the County of Norfolk (London: William
Miller,
1805-10), IV.79; British Library, MSS Add. 23,013-65, give these
volumes
with further annotations, sketches in colour, of which the relevant
materials
for Julian are in Add. 23,016./
_
/** Medieval Norwich's riverfront
Dragon
warehouse./ and she describes it also as
like
the scales of herring that would have been brought up the river so near
to her church and along whose shores merchants built vast storage
barns.
Along that street also parchment was made for use by monks and friars
and
such like who would have been literate in Julian's day in Norwich. The
parchment for Julian's own book, her Showing, would have been
bought
by her maid in that street. For Julian's maids Sara and Alice are named
in wills made in her favour. She herself was enclosed and could do no
shopping.
One of the maids in turn perhaps became an anchoress, Alice Hermit,
leaving
a silver chalice to a Norwich church in her will. Julian simply refuses
to make her crucifix vision political in the way that Birgitta of
Sweden
does. Instead she has it be homely and familiar, likening it to rain
and
herring. And she also evades it, distancing herself from it, speaking
in
the Amherst Manuscript even, like a
Lollard,
like the executed William Sawtre, Margery Kempe's St Margaret's
chaplain,
with distaste of the now legally mandated prayers to 'paintings of
crucifixes'/42
/42. David Aers and Lynn Staley, The Powers
of the Holy: Religion, Politics, and Gender in Late Medieval English
Culture
(University Park: The Pennsylvania State University Press, 1996), pp.
77-178./
Julian also describes what she
saw
in relation to the Veronica Veil shown to pilgrims in Rome's Vatican
Basilica
on Good Friday. Sister Ritamary Bradley suggests from her words that
Julian
had actually travelled to Rome and seen this precious relic. If she had
so travelled to Rome she would have likely stayed under the aegis of
Cardinal
Adam Easton and his household, composed of many people from Norwich, as
we see from his Roman will, and which was headquartered at his titular
church of St Cecilia in Trastevere. Much of that church has been
altered.
But to this day one can see in its crypt the ruins of a Roman house and
bath with hot springs, the Sudatorium which features in the
legend
of Cecilia's martyrdom, the fine Byzantine
apse
showing the togaed Christ with scroll, Christ as Teacher, flanked by
Paul
and Peter, by Cecilia and Valerian, and by Pope Pascal I (816-821)
carrying
the model of this church, and St Agatha, whom Pascal made co-patroness
of this church, as well as medieval buildings more in English, than in
Italian, style, clustering about the now Baroqued Basilica.
In Julian's day an entire
series
of frescoes existed giving the life and miracles of St
Cecilia , the marriage feast of Valerian and Cecilia, Cecilia
having
Valerian seek Pope Urban I, Valerian riding to Urban, Valerian's
baptism,
the angel crowning Valerian and Cecilia, Cecilia converting her
executioner,
Cecilia in the bath, the execution of Cecilia, her burial, then
Pascal's
dream, of which only the last fresco survives, copies of those which
were
destroyed being kept in the Barberini Library. Pope Pascal I described
how he had a vision in St Peter's of St Cecilia where she appeared to
him
in golden robes telling him of her burial place, beside her husband and
brother-in-law, in St Callixtus' Catacombs. He found them and brought
them
to her church the following day, reburying her there as she was. A
sixteenth-century
Cardinal then exhumed her, finding her incorrupt lying on her side
robed
in gold tissue, and commissioned Maderno, likewise an eyewitness, to
sculpt
her so. The mosaic similarly garbed Christ, Cecilia, Pascal and Agatha
in cloth-of-gold./43
/43. Augustus J.C. Hare, Walks in Rome
(New York: Routledge, n.d.), pp. 677-682, who notes English Chaucer's
contemporary
use of St Cecilia, and that Cecilia is one of the few saints
commemorated
daily in the Canon of the Mass, the other women commemorated so being
Felicita,
Perpetua, Agatha, Lucia, Agnes, and Anastasia./
.
St Cecilia, mosaic at Santa
Cecilia
in Trastevere, Rome, commissioned by Pope Pascal I, on finding her
incorrupt
body at St Callixtus
In the Renaissance that body
was
again found to be incorrupt and Stephano Maderna sculpted it so, the
head
turned in shame, the sword wounds upon its neck:

If Julian had been a pilgrim
guest
at Santa Cecilia in Trastevere, walking beside the Tiber to Vatican St
Peter's one Good Friday, these Roman memories would have heightened her
use of the Veronica Veil, St Cecilia's martyrdom of three neck wounds
and
her three days' preaching,
By Permission of the British
Library,
Amherst Manuscript, Additional 37,790
and Julian's own ever-present
theme
of Christ as Teacher,/44
/44. Ritamary
Bradley, 'Christ the Teacher in Julian's Showings: The Biblical
and Patristic Traditions', The Medieval Mystical Tradition in
England:
Papers Read at Dartington Hall, July, 1982. Ed. Marion Glasscoe
(Exeter:
University of Exeter, 1982), pp. 127-142. Sister Ritamary Bradley
communicated
to me that she believed Julian visited Rome, seeing the Veronica Veil
there.
Another Roman relic Julian compellingly
palimpsests
upon her vision of the Crucified Christ is that of a tawny board.
'Adam'
in Hebrew means 'tawny'. Birgitta's board of walnut upon which she ate,
wrote, and it is even said was laid at her death, is still kept as a
relic
in the room become a chapel where Birgitta lived and wrote and died,
and
which Margery Kempe memorably visited, perhaps on Julian's
recommendation,
Santa Brigida, Piazza Farnese, Rome, Book, EETS 212, ed. Allen,
p. 95.. See Andersson and Franzen, Birgittareliker, pp. 33-44,
58-59./
of Christ as Master, the
Galilean/Palestinian
'Master Jesus', shadowed by that of her Norwich/ Oxford /Avignon/Rome
Master
Adam, become Cardinal of Santa Cecilia in Trastevere and supporter of
Birgitta
of Sweden.
Birgitta
of Sweden died the same year and in the month following Julian's
illness,
23 June 1373, the vigil of Mary Magdalen, following her return from
Jerusalem
in Rome, /* St Birgitta's board for
writing
and eating, sleeping and dying, today still preserved in the room in
which
she lived and died in Rome./

her body first being laid upon
this
board upon which she customarily ate and wrote the
Revelationes,
/* Birgitta's Shrine in the Blue Church at Vadstena, Sweden./

then brought home to Sweden
and
laid to rest in this sumptuous shrine at Vadstena where her monastery
was
founded. Catherine of Siena
was
examined by the Dominicans in that year in the Spanish Chapel, Santa
Maria
Novella, Florence, amidst its frescoes of herself, her friend Catherine
of Sweden and of Birgitta of Sweden. Birgitta's director and her
appointed
executor, the Hermit Bishop Alfonso of Jaén, gave Birgitta's Revelationes
to Pope Gregory XI and was next appointed by the Pope to serve as
Catherine
of Siena's director./45
/45. Alfonso of Jaén served as spiritual
director to Birgitta of Sweden, her daughter, Catherine of Sweden, also
to her friend, Catherine of Siena, and to Chiara
Gambacorta
of Pisa: Ann M. Roberts, 'Chiara Gambacorta of Pisa as Patroness of the
Arts', Creative Women in Medieval and Early Modern Italy: A
Religious
and Artistic Renaissance, ed. E. Ann Matter and John Coakley
(Philadelphia:
University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), pp. 120-154./
At which point the illiterate
Catherine
miraculously began writing, or rather dictating, sometimes to three
secretaries
at once, letters to Popes and Emperors and even to our King Richard II
and to the Englishman Sir John Hawkwood, the martial Bishop of
Norwich's
former companion as condottiere in Italy. Catherine of Siena, like
Birgitta,
next composed a theological visionary work, the Dialogo,/46
/46. Suzanne Noffke, O.P., The Texts and
Concordances
of The Works of Caterina da Siena: Il Dialogo, Le Orazioni,
L'Epistolaria
; Letters 133, 138, 143, 312, 317, 348, 362, are written to Queen
Joanna
of Naples./
a copy of which which was brought
here
to England, likely by Adam Easton who knew her, and translated into
Middle
English, perhaps by Easton himself who is noted to have made
such
translations: 'De communicatione ydiomatum', 'De diversitate
translationum',
'De perfectione vite spiritualis'. /*
Engraving
in printed Orcherd of Syon of St Catherine of Siena receiving
divine
doctrine, reflecting her receiving the Stigmata, Santa Cristina, Pisa,
1375./ , later to be printed as The
Orcherd
of Syon by Wynken de Worde for Syon Abbey./47
/47. The Cell of Self-Knowledge: Seven
Early
English Mystical Writers Printed by Henry Pepwell MCXXI, ed. Edmund
G. Gardner (London: Chatto and Windus, 1910), p. xviii, notes Catherine
of Siena's connections with England though her Cambridge
University/Augustinian
Hermit disciples, William Flete and Giovanni Tantucci, and her Letter
14
to Sir John Hawkwood, and to Richard II, the latter not surviving;
David
Wallace, 'Mystics and Followers in Siena and East Anglia: A Study in
Taxonomy,
Class and Cultural Mediation', The Medieval Mystical Tradition in
English:
Papers Read at Dartington Hall, July 1984, ed. Marion Glasscoe
(Exeter:
University of Exeter Press, 1984), pp. 169-191; Jane Chance, 'St
Catherine
of Siena in Late Medieval Britain: Feminizing Literary Reception
through
Gender and Class', Annali d'Italianistica 13 (1995), 163-203;
Phyllis
Hodgson, ' The Orcherd of Syon and the English Mystical
Tradition,' Proceedings
of the British Academy 50 (1964), 229-249. Both Vadstena and Syon
had
cloistered orchards, pleasure gardens ('örtagärd',
'viridiarium'),
in which the nuns could walk and talk. Alfonso had written the Viridiarium
compiled from Birgitta's Revelationes of visions concerning
Christ
and Mary especially for the nuns of Vadstena: Colledge, 'Epistola',
p. 34. The connections, as with The Orcherd of Syon , are far
closer
than commonly realized between Birgitta and Catherine, Alfonso and
Adam.
Vadstena in 1391 and Syon in 1415 were granted pardons, indulgences,
equivalent
to St Francis' Portiuncula, Margery Kempe mentioning this Pardon of
Syon./
Transcription:
||PHere
begynneth
the boke of dyuyne doctryne. That is to/ saye of goddes techyng. Gyuen
by the person of god the fa/der to the intelleccyoun of the
gloryous
vyrgyne seynt Kathe-/ryn of Seene/ of the ordre of seynt Domynycke.
Which
was/ wryte n as she endyted in her moder tongue. Wha
n
she
was in con/templacyon & rapt of spyryte she herynge
actualy.
And inthe same/ tyme she tolde before many what our lorde god
spake
in her.

And here foloweth the
fyrst/
chapytre of this boke. Which/ is how the soule of this mayde/
was
oned to god & how then she/ made .iiii. petycyons to oure/
lorde
in that tyme of contem/placyon and of the answere/ of god and of moche
other do/ctryne: as it is specyfyed in the/ kalender before.
Capt.1.
A
soule
that is reysed up/ with heuenly and/ ghostly desyers & af-/feccyo
n s to the worshyp/ of god 000&
to the helthe/ of mannes soules with a greate . . .
________
The Orcherd of Syon
(Westminster:
Wynken de Worde, 1519), Catherine of Siena's Dialogo in Middle
English,
its colophon: 'a ryghte worshypfull and
deuoute
gentylman mayster Rycharde Sutton esquyer stewarde of the holy
monastery
of Syon fyndynge this ghostely tresure these dyologes and reuelacions .
. . of seynt Katheryne of Sene in a corner by itselfe wyllynge of his
greate
charyte it sholde come to lyghte that many relygyous and deuoute soules
myght be releued and haue comforte therby he hathe caused at his greate
coste this booke to be prynted'.
In 1379
Alfonso of
Jaén,
3 March, Adam Easton, 9 March, and Catherine of Sweden, Birgitta's
daughter,10
March, all testified on behalf of the validity of Pope Urban VI's
election./48
/48. Vatican Secret
Archives,
Armarium LIV.17, fols. 46-7, 'Venerabilis
et reverendus pater et religiosus honestus magister Adam de Eston,
magister
magnus et profundus in sacra pagina, monachus Norwicensis, ordinis
Sancti
Benedicti, etatis XL et ultra, nacione Anglicus
'; Colledge, 'Epistola', p. 35./
Adam Easton presented to Pope
Urban
VI his magnum opus, the Defensorium Ecclesiastice Potestatis,
'The
Defense of Ecclesiastical Power', based on Dionysian hierarchies, /*
Dante Alighieri in a fresco painted by Andrea del Castagno for the
Cenacolo
of Sant'Apollinare, Florence./ and for
which
he read - and countered - Dante
Alighieri .
It
ends with the Augustinian, 'Thou hast
created
us for Thyself, O Lord, and our hearts can find no rest, until they
rest
in Thee', a passage Julian uses in the
Westminster
and subsequent Showings (W75-75v,P10,A99v-100). In that same
year
Alfonso of Jaén wrote the Epistola
Solitarii,
in defence of Birgitta's visions, and he edited her entire Revelationes,
in preparation for her canonization. The material of Alfonso of
Jaén's
Epistola
Solitarii on the discernment of spirits is found in William
Flete 's pre-1379 Remedies Against Tempations; in the Cloud
Author 's treatises on Discernment of Spirits; in the treatise on
Catherine
of Siena found in East Anglian Cloud manuscripts;/49
/49. Oxford, University College 14, '
doctrine schewyd of god to seynt Kateryne of seen. Of tokynes to knowe
vysytacions bodyly or goostly vysyons whedyr thei come of god or of the
feende ', East Anglian manuscript; British
Library, MS Royal 17 D v, ' Here folowen
dyuerse
doctrynys deuowte and fruytfulle taken oute of the lyfe of that
glorious
virgyn and spowse of our Lorde Seynt Kateryne of Seenys
'./
in Adam Easton's 1390 Defensorium
Sanctae Birgittae; in the Chastising
of God's Children ;/50
/50. The Chastising of God's Children,
ed. Joyce Bazire and Eric Colledge (Oxford: Blackwell, 1957), uses William
Flete , Jan van Ruusbroec , Alfonso de
Jaén, and significantly adds an interpolation to Ruusbroec's
text
of 'Cardinals', p. 35/ in Julian's 1413 Showing (A114v,115);
and
in Julian's conversation with Margery Kempe
(M21)./50. British Library, Add. 61,823, fols. 21-21v; The Book of
Margery
Kempe, EETS 212, pp. 42-43. Among the materials is Alfonso's
statement
that writings by visionary women be examined by literate men of the
Church.
It is likely that the writings of all three women, Birgitta, Catherine
and Julian, received that examination - and approbation. The Sloane
Manuscripts
give such a a statement as colophon, echoing that found in the Cloud
of Unknowing and in Marguerite Porete's Mirror of Simple Souls./
A manuscript of the Chastising now in a Scandinavian
collection,
but which had been at Sheen or Syon, is uniquely attributed to Walter
Hilton, http://www.nb.no/baser/schoyen/5/5.13/index.html§
The Epistola solitarii
also
exists translated into Middle English in a Norfolk manuscript of
Birgitta's
Revelationes./51
/51. Rosalynn Voaden, God's Words, Women's
Voices: The Discernment of Spirits in the Writing opf Late-Medieval
Women
Visionaries (York: York Medieval Press, 1999), and 'The Middle
English Epistola
Solitarii ad Reges of Alfonso of Jaén: An Edition of the
Text
in British Library MS. Cotton Julius F ii', Studies in St Birgitta,
ed. Hogg, I.142-179. The Norfolk manuscript in question also includes Magister
Mathias' Prologue , and much of the Revelationes. Hope
Emily
Allen had earlier hoped to publish it. Of interest is that Syon
manuscripts
in English, such as the Princeton University Garrett Revelations,
use the Swedish form in English 'Birgitte
', while this text uses the Italian 'Brigid
', possible evidence of Adam Easton's acquisition of its exemplar from
Alfonso of Jaén in Italy. It makes use of careful
cross-referencing
to the Revelationes throughout in the same manner as does
Julian's
Long Text, but not her Westminster or Short Texts, and is likely
evidence
of university-trained male editing and authorizing of women's
contemplative
writings./
Catherine
of Siena , the Dominican Tertiary, died in 1380, equally revered by
Romans as had been Birgitta of Sweden. At her death she was surrounded
by her disciples, women and men, and with her mother at her side, a
scene
strongly evoking that of 1373 at Julian's 'deathbed' in our Norwich.
In 1381
Adam Easton was made a
Cardinal
and given the Basilica of St Cecilia in Trastevere in Rome./52
/52. 'Hoc etiam anno, xi Kalendas Octobris,
idem
dominus papa Vrbanus fratrem Adam de Eston, Anglicum monachum ecclesie
Norwycennsis, magistrum in theologia famosum, Rome in cardinalem
erexit', Vita
Ricardi Secundi, ed. George B. Stow (Philadelphia: Pennsylvania
University
Press, 1977), p. 70/_
Liber Regalis,
Westminster
Abbey, likely written by Cardinal Adam Easton with Bohemian artists
when
arranging for Pope Urban VI the marriage and coronation of Richard II
and
Anne of Bohemia, daughter of the Emperor Charles of Bohemia of the
Santa
Maria Novella fresco.
/* Manuscript illumination in
the
Liber
Regalis, Westminster Abbey./ As
Cardinal,
Adam Easton worked to effect the marriage/coronation between his King
of
England, Richard II, with Anne of Bohemia, daughter of the Holy Roman
Emperor
Charles of Bohemia. This manuscript, the 1382 Liber Regalis illuminated
by a Bohemian artist, which is still used for the coronations of our
Queens
and Kings, shows Richard and his consort Anne in Benedictine
Westminster
Abbey./53
/53. Liber Regalis seu Ordo Consecrandi
Regem
solum, Reginam cum Rege, Reginam solam (London: Roxburgh Club,
1870);
in connection with Coronation is also Westminster Abbey Muniment 5664*
in which Cardinal Adam Easton of Santa Cecilia in Trastevere conveys
the
order of the Pope that the Benedictines of Westminster Abbey are to
have
the Coronation offerings of gold and silver and cloth of gold and other
things restored to them as is the custom, which have been despoiled
from
the Abbey by the Archbishop of Canterbury and various London clergy, 27
June 1383. The document opens 'ADAM miseracione divina titulo Sancte
cecilie
presbiter Cardinalis causa . . . .'/
The theology
of the Liber
Regalis
is Adam Easton's, speaking of how the Abbot of Westminster must
instruct
the King in humility, and basing it upon Hebrew narratives of prophets
and anointed kings, speaking of Aaron, Nathan and Zadok, the Epistle to
the Hebrews, Jerome, Pseudo-Dionysius and the Victorines.
/* Wilton Diptych, National Gallery, London./

The exquisite Wilton Diptych,
again
likely by Bohemian artists, shows Richard II in prayer, kneeling on the
ground in a wilderness before his patrons, John the Baptist, Edward the
Confessor and St Edmund Martyr. /*
Frontispiece
to Geoffrey Chaucer, Troilus and Criseyde, Corpus Christi College,
Cambridge./

While yet another shows
Geoffrey
Chaucer reading his Troilus and Criseyde to Richard II. In that
same year Adam Easton was appointed as one of three cardinals to have
oversight
of Birgitta's cause for canonization, and it was noted that, either
then
or more likely later, 'he was prepared to
risk his theological reputation over the matter, in order to further a
cause in which he believed, and moreover, one in which he was
personally
convinced './54
/54. James Hogg, 'Cardinal Easton's Letter to
the Abbess and Community of Vadstena, Studies in St Birgitta,
ed.
Hogg, II. 21; 'Adam Easton's Defensorium Sanctae Birgittae', The
Medieval Mystical Tradition, Volume 6, ed. Marion Glasscoe
(Woodbridge,
Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer, 1999), p. 234; MacFarlane, Thesis, 1955,
p.
225./
In 1377 the
townsfolk of Lynn had
rebelled
against, routed and wounded the Lord Bishop Henry le Despenser of
Norwich
because he insisted on their Mayor's mace being borne before him as he
entered the city gates./55
/55. Dictionary of National Biography,
ed. Leslie Stephen (London: Smith, Elder, 1888), 14.411./
The particular mayor in question
was
one John Brunham, father of our Margery Kempe
. In 1381 the Bishop of Norwich, true to form, acted swiftly to quell
the
Peasants' Revolt./56
/56. The Peasants' Revolt began with John Ball
preaching on Blackheath on the Feast of Corpus Christi, 13 June, on
'When
Adam delved and Eve span, Who was then the gentleman?': Kenneth Leech,
'Contemplative and Radical: Julian meets John Ball,' Julian: Woman
of
Our Day, ed. Robert Llewlyn (London: Darton, Longman and Todd,
1984),
p. 97, giving date as July, when it was June. See Mann, ' Alphabet',
pp.
21-50. Piers Plowman B had been recited in the Peasants'
Revolt./
The
bishop, Thomas Walsingham
tells
us, 'dressed as a knight, wearing an iron
helm and a solid hauberk impregnable to arrows as he wielded a real
two-edged
sword ', though clergy were forbidden to
use
more than a mace when fighting. Walsingham goes on to compare '
the warlike-priest to a wild boar gnashing its teeth, neither sparing
himself
nor his enemies '. In particular he
oversaw
the execution of the Peasants' Norwich leader, the dyer John Litester,
the acclaimed 'King of the Commons', and the idol of the people,
hearing
his confession, and holding up his head during the drawing, before
Litester's
execution by being next hanged and quartered. Let me show some
paintings
of Crucifixes ./** Westminster Abbey
fresco,
contemporary with initial slide of Benedictine monk at prayer, and of a
later Westminster Abbey manuscript illumination, contemporary with Adam
Easton./
These are from Benedictine Westminster
Abbey, the first a thirteenth-century fresco by St Faith's Chapel,

the second an illumination in
a
manuscript owned by Westminster's Benedictine Abbot Nicholas Lytlington
between 1382-1386. /** The Norwich
Cathedral
Despenser Retable.
__
Despenser Retable, Norwich
Cathedral
/
The
Bishop of Norwich commissioned this commemorative retable, Sheila
Upjohn
notes, following Litester's execution. It is now restored to Norwich
Cathedral
for which it was originally intended after having spent some centuries
as a table bottom following the Reformation. Apparantly someone
discovered
it in 1847 because he dropped a pencil during a meeting, crawled under
the table to retrieve it - then looked up to see this gold-leafed
splendour./57
/57. Sheila Upjohn, In Search of Julian (London:
Darton, Longman and Todd, 1989), pp. 26-27./
Here I continue Sheila Upjohn's
perception.
Julian describes the head of Christ having the skin torn as if it had
been
dragged along the road - the medieval form of execution being preceded
by the drawing of the victim along the street, as was done to Litester.
Julian describes the drying of Jesus' body as it hangs upon the cross -
far more like that of a body strung up for many days upon the gallows,
drying in the Norfolk wind and the cold, than Jesus' Crucifixion of but
six hours in Jerusalem. When I look at Bishop Despenser's retable I
seem
to see Despenser portrayed in the image of Pilate, Litester, the 'King
of the Commons', in the image of Christ. The following year the Norfolk
people attempted to revolt again and to kill their Bishop, but the
Revolt
was again swiftly put down.
/* Engraving of
John Wyclif, Julian's contemporary./
The Blackfriars
Council, the 'Earthquake Council', instigated by Adam Easton and
mentioned
by Julian in the Showing (P158-158v), condemned Wyclif's
writings,
because Wyclif had condemned Benedictine wealth, John Wyclif dying at
Lutterworth
the following year. Wyclif was for equality, Easton for hierarchy,
Wyclif
for translating the Bible from Latin into English, Easton for
translating
the Bible from Hebrew into Latin, the
Norwich
Carmelite John Bale noting of him, 'Iste multa opuscula edidisse per ea
tempora perhibetur, ac Biblia tota ab hebreo in latinum transtulisse'.
Julian seems to mediate between them.
Then, for Adam Easton, on 11
January
1385 disaster struck. Pope Urban VI in his paranoia against his corrupt
cardinals even punished those who were loyal to him, for their just
criticism
of his errors. Six cardinals were hurled into a dungeon at Nocera and
cruelly
tortured. One of them was our Norwich Benedictine, Cardinal Adam Easton
of England. Immediately King Richard II, the English Benedictine
Congregation,
Oxford University and the English Parliament wrote letters in defense
of
Cardinal Adam Easton, begging that the Pope bind up his wounds with
wine
and oil (referring to the Good Samaritan Parable) and restore him to
liberty
and his Cardinalate./58
/58. [1387-1389] Richard II to Urban VI, 'Quod
cardinalis liberetur a carceribus et ad statum pristinum reducatur,' Diplomatic
Correspondence of Richard II, ed Edouard Perroy, Camden Third
Series
48 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1933), pp. 63-4; CCLXIV, A Letter
from the Presidents of the Chapter-General of the Benedictine Order in
England to Urban VI, July 9, 1387, Pleading for Pardon for Cardinal
Adam
de Eston, Rolls Series 61, Letters from Northern Registers, pp.
423-425. MacFarlane notes further letters in Reading Abbey Formulary,
p.
25. In July 1387 also, the Ramsey Benedictine, John Wells, was sent to
Urban VI to intercede for the imprisoned Cardinal, but failed, dying
the
next year in Perugia, and was buried in the church of Santa Sabina./
Pope Urban VI had to flee 20
August
to Genoa by ship, and on his arrival, 23 September, the other five
Cardinal
prisoners had disappeared, executed at sea. Easton, despite those
passionate
pleas, and despite his own continuing loyalty to the Pope, remained a
prisoner
until the following Pope's accession in 1389, nearly five years. At
least
his life was saved.
While in that dungeon awaiting
death
and so terribly injured from torture Easton had prayed that if he were
to be spared he would work for the canonization of St
Birgitta of Sweden , who had died twelve years earlier, in the year
of and the month after Julian's Showing, and for whose cause for
canonization
he had been given responsibility with two other cardinals in 1382. When
he was released he immediately made his way back to Norwich with the
necessary
documentation, including the massive illuminated Revelationes
or
Showings she had written. We have the bills for the shipping of his
books
to Norwich through Flanders, Norwich Cathedral Priory Master paying 48s
7d, the Almoner 10s 'pro cariagio librorum domini cardinalis', the
Benedictine
Prior of Lynn contributing 20s ' circa
libros
domini Ade de Eston'./59
/59. Greatrex, citing NRO DCN 1/1/65; 1/6/23;
2/1/17/
Remember that Julian's very
largest
bequest was a mere 20s. This is the evidence that in 1389-1390 Cardinal
Adam Easton returned home, here to Norwich Cathedral Priory, and in
this
cloister he set to work writing the Defensorium Sanctae Birgittae,
the Defense of St Birgitta, the document for her canonization, sent
next
to Pope Boniface IX, to the Brigittine Abbess in Vadstena, Sweden, and
to Bishop Hermit Alfonso of Jaén 'Et
illum libellum per articulos declaratos transmisi domino Alphonso eius
devoto ad Ianuam isto anno ', in February
1390, whom he does not yet know has died in Genoa, 19 August 1389./60
/60. Lincoln Cathedral Chapter Library 114,
fols.
23v-53v, Tuesday after Easter, 1409, giving Cardinal's 9 February 1390
Letter to Abbess of Vadstena; Oxford, Bodleian Library, Hamilton 7,
fols.
ccxix-cclviij; Universitätbibliothek Uppsala C518, fols 248-273;
I.263-275;
ASS 468, ' Adamo Angliae Libri
Attestationum
', implies he sent the books, was not himself present. Hogg, II,24;
Colledge,
'Epistola,' pp. 27, 42-43; James Alan Schmidtke, 'Saving with Faint
Praise:
St Birgitta of Sweden, Adam Easton and Medieval Antifeminism',
American
Benedictine Review 32 (1982), 175-81, does not understand medieval
dialectic and Easton's inclusion/refutation of mysogynist Nicholas of
Lyra; James
Hogg, 'Cardinal Easton's Letter to the Abbess and Community of
Vadstena', Studies
in St Birgitta and the Brigittine Order, ed. James Hogg, II. 20-26;
F.R. Johnston, 'English Defenders of St. Bridget.'/
I learned of those bills because
I
was sitting across the table from Joan Greatrex in Cambridge University
Library. I was admiring Easton's beautiful Dionysius
manuscript with its lovely green leafy and gold leaf Gothic {T~
for
the invocation to the Trinitas
and she was working on Benedictine archival
records throughout England.
The Devil's Advocate for the
cause
for the canonization, a Perugian theologian, using Nicholas
of Lyra 's 1310 XV Articles against Marguerite
Porete , had argued in XLI Articles that women are unworthy to have
visions of God. (Margery Kempe
similarly had such Articles placed against her by theologians.)
Cardinal
Adam Easton countered that claim, using Nicholas
of Lyra dialectically in his Defensorium Sanctae Birgittae,
speaking of the Old Testament women prophetesses, of the Holy Women at
the Tomb who had the vision of the Resurrection and who were the
Apostles
to the Apostles of that Good News, the Gospel, which the disciples
considered
but ' idle tales
', and of Philip's four virgin daughters in Acts 21 who were all
prophetesses.
He continues by speaking of the Virgin Saints like Agnes (to whom St
Peter
appeared in a vision),

St Agnes, mosaic commissioned
by
Pope Honorius (625-638), and seen daily by Birgitta when in Rome, the
saint
often appearing to her in visionary sacred conversations, consoling her
for instance for her Latin and teaching her that language. She promises
Birgitta a crown like her own in this mosaic.

Detail of above mosaic
Agatha
and
Cecilia (co-patrons of his Cardinalate Basilica in Trastevere), all
of whom are named in the Canon of the Mass. He next speaks of Peter's '
Quo vadis' vision of Christ at Rome, and
Thomas'
vision of Christ in Jerusalem. He speaks of women's far greater faith
than
men, the men denying and doubting Christ, the women staying at the
cross.
He states that women's visionary books are valid in the eyes of the
Church.
Consequently Birgitta of Sweden was
canonized
a saint in Rome, 7 October 1391, at which ceremony, Margaret Harvey
tells us, Cardinal Adam Easton was present. Marguerite Porete's Mirror
of Simple Souls
is included with Julian's Showing in the Amherst Manuscript.
Adam
Easton's Defensorium, echoed in the Amherst's Showing
conclusion,
was as a concluding imprimatur to manuscripts of the
Revelationes,
but was replaced in the editio princeps by Turrecremata's
Defense,
penned following the 1433 Council of Basel. Nevertheless the Prior of
Norwich
present at that Council continued Norwich's interest in the saint./61
/61. Harvey, p.205, on Easton's presence at the
canonization, citing Diarium
Vadstenense; F.R. Johnston, II,271, on Prior of Norwich, citing
M.R. James,
(1904), p. 11/.
Our Norwich Benedictine Cardinal
Adam
Easton was here in 1389-1391. Indeed it is likely he, who as a '
man of Holy Kirk', (A97.8-9), told not
only
the Pope of Rome, the Abbess of Vadstena, the Bishop Hermit Alfonso of
Jaen whom he thought was at Genoa, but also Julian here in Norwich the
story of St Cecilia, the patron of his church in Rome as Cardinal,
Santa
Cecilia in Trastevere. In 1390, Westminster Abbey received a copy of
the
Bull of Boniface IX, restoring to Cardinal Adam Easton his English
benefices
taken from him unjustly. We only learn of the Cardinal's return to Rome
as late as 1396, apart from the dubious account in the later Diarium Vadstenense, which
describes him as present at the Canonization of St Birgitta, 7 October
1391.
1388-February 1393 is exactly
the
time span the Anchoress Julian of Norwich tells us within her text that
she was formulating and writing her second version of the Revelations
of Divine Love, her Long Text
Showing, her magnum opus of
the same title as Birgitta's massive book. In it we can see she is
building
upon an earlier version of its text, expanding it, cross-referencing in
it back and forth, often speaking of a First Showing, but which is not
the Christological I Showing of the XV+I, for that is of the Crown of
Thorns,
but instead is of the opening and Marian First Showing of the
Westminster
Manuscript. She interestingly adds a magnificent section that is not in
the Table of Contents of the XV+I Showings, the Parable of the Lord and
the Servant. She tells us at the Showing's ending that it is
not
yet ended, that she is not yet satisfied with it, that she will write
yet
another version of it. That reminds one of the way
Dante
Alighieri writes his texts, their endings being their beginnings
again.
It is also how St Birgitta had constructed her magnum opus
across
almost half a century in edition upon edition, book upon book. Perhaps
by this date, perhaps not, Julian was an anchoress at St Julian's
Church,
within walking distance of this Cathedral where the convalescing
Cardinal
is studying a book of the same title and likewise written by a woman,
and
edited by his friend and associate, Alfonso of Jaén, in
fulfilment
of the vow he had made during his dungeon torture in 1385.

St Birgitta presenting Revelationes
to
Bishop Hermit Alfonso of Jaen
There are two versions of this
Long
Text written by our Julian of Norwich, the longer Long Text in the Paris
Manuscript (P), the Stowe Manuscript
(C1), and the 1670 Cressy (C2) printed edition which lack chapter
descriptions,
and the two Sloane Manuscripts
(SS) being the shorter version of the Long Text but giving a colophon
like
those of The Mirror of Simple Souls and of The Cloud of
Unknowing,
and chapter descriptions, which are written by a contemporary of
Julian,
who deeply admires her, who knows her identity as a holy woman, who
associates
her with God as Wisdom (P78v), who is editing her text, who authorizes
her work and who requires that it not be altered. He seems to model his
work of editing Julian's Showing
on the editing of Birgitta
of Sweden 's Revelationes, first by Magister Mathias in
Sweden
in 1345, then by Bishop Alfonso of Jaén in Rome, through its
final
editing in 1379, following her death in 1373. I believe this editor is
our Norwich Benedictine, Adam Easton, and thus colleague to three great
fourteenth-century women theologians, Birgitta of Sweden, Catherina of
Siena, Julian of Norwich. I believe he is the Benedictine monk who
stopped
laughing, back in May 1373, at her supposed 'deathbed' and that he
began
to take her very seriously indeed. I believe he is using her for
political
ends and that she is unhappy with being so exploited. I do not know
whether
the longer Longer Text versions (P,CC) precede or follow those of the
shorter
Long Text (SS). If they were earlier, then Julian next courageously
stripped
her text of his interference and his imprimatur , for the
exemplar
to the Paris Manuscript, which lacks the chapter descriptions, and went
on later to write her final version, the exemplar to the Amherst
Manuscript,
or that gathering of the Amherst Manuscript written for her by a
sympathetic
scribe, without his XV+I Showings structuring. In both the P,CC
and the SS versions she insists at the end of the XV+I Showings
that she is not content with the work as it stands and promises us a
further
edition (172v-173), defying SS's editor's colophon. (For further
discussion,
see the essay, 'Julian's Web: The Structures of the
Showing
'.) I believe that future edition is to be Amherst, rather than
Westminster,
for the sequence of texts influencing the versions reverses the
alphabet,
giving us W, with Gregory, Benedict, William of St Thierry, William
Flete,
John Whiterig, Pseudo-Dionysius, Hebrew, and close scriptural
references,
Paris using the XV+I Showings structure, echoing the pseudo-Brigittine
XV
Os , of prayers to the Crucifixion supposedly given to St
Birgitta
by the Crucifix, while adding John of Salisbury, Birgitta of Sweden,
and
the Parable of the Lord and the Servant to these, A eliminating the
XV+I
Showings structure, eliminating great swathes of scriptural material,
eliminating
the Lord and the Servant Parable, and eliminating Jesus as Mother,
while
adding, in engrossed letters in the manuscript's brown ink, a sentence
on a ' man of Holy Kirk'
(A97.8-9) telling of 'St Cecilia' and
the three sword wounds, likewise a similarly engrossed sentence on the
'Pater Noster, Ave and Creed', adding
protests
she never meant to teach, and adding further material from Alfonso
of Jaén's Epistolaria Solitarii and Adam
Easton's Defensorium Sanctae Birgittae Discernment of
Spirit
material, which had served as the imprimatur to Birgitta's
Revelationes
. The consulting of these texts in this sequence correlates to their
chronological
acquisition by Adam Easton. While Easton delights in hierarchy, Julian
seeks equality; while Easton and Birgitta espouse Dionysian angelology,
Julian speaks for her even-Christian. Easton, because of his Dionysism,
harnessed to Benedictinism's desire for power, property and wealth,
opposed
and destroyed Wyclif, who spoke for Gospel poverty in the Church;
Julian
strongly disagrees with her powerful patron, the Cardinal, and supports
his Oxford victim's Gospel ideal. Amherst, if it is her final version,
her swan song, with the greatest courage most emphatically ends with
the
Wycliffite, Lollard term, ' evencristenn.
Amen'.
Julian in the Long Text gives
the
most beautiful Parable of the Lord and the Servant. I read this Parable
allegorically on many levels, in the way that Dante
Alighieri writes in the Commedia. It is both scriptural
exegesis
about God as Man, God creating Adam in his own image, in Genesis; then
God the Father sending God the Son in that same image, in the Gospels;
as Jesus, which means in Hebrew, 'God saves', to save Adam, which in Hebrew
means Everyman, Everywoman, Jesus himself in the Gospels calling
himself
'Son
of Man,' 'Ben-Adam', 'Bar-Adam' , our
Brother,
we his Mother, his Brothers, his Sisters. But it also reads like a
political
allegory, of the Pope and of his loyal Cardinal who has fallen into a
dungeon,
a deep slade, where he lies sorely wounded, from torture, and who seeks
to return to his Lord./62
/62. Parable may also reflect Wyclif's 'Of
Servants
and Lords', The English Works of Wyclif Hitherto Unprinted, ed.
F.D. Matthews, EETS 74, p. 227; Herbert B. Workman, John Wyclif: A
Study
of the English Medieval Church (Oxford: Clarendon, 1926), II.148,
says
'Of Servants and Lords' written when Wyclif was translating Bible,
founding
Poor Preachers./
Julian next tells us that this
Servant
is Adam, and she uses the same words about the meaning of Adam as does
Adam Easton in his own writings. Both know of the Hebrew meanings for
Adam
being 'Everyman,' 'earth,' 'tawny'
./* Simone Martini, Diptych, Museo Horne, Florence./

Simone Martini, Diptych, Museo
Horne,
Florence
I show here Simone Martini's
diptych
that beautifully illustrates Julian's W,P,A Showing of Love,
its
Marian First Showing, its Christological XV+I Showings. It
shows
Christ in the Pieta with tawny red hair, as Son of Adam, Son of David,
for David also in Hebrew is ruddy, tawny, with beautiful eyes.
/** God the Father, God the Son, enthroned side by side, Luttrell
Psalter./
63

/63. Flemish art, later than Julian, was to
superbly
illustrate Psalm 110, 'Dixit Dominus
Domino
mei: sede a dextris meis': Flemish
Illuminated
Manuscripts 1475-1550, ed. Maurits Smeyers and Jan Van der Stock
(Ghent:
Ludion Press, 1996), e.g., pp. 78-79./

Gradually in her allegory, the
repentant
fallen Adam, shadowing the imprisoned Cardinal, then turns into the
risen
Christ, the Son and heir of the Kingdom of Heaven who comes to sit at
the
Lord's right hand, of Psalm 110 and the Epistle to the Hebrews, but not
in the literal sense, instead as being honoured (P93,106), as indeed
Adam
Easton was, the Pope writing to Parliament commending him. Both Adam
and
Julian in their theology, derived from Rabbi David Kimhi, speak of Adam
as all of us, as the general man, all of us fellow-heirs with Christ in
the Kingdom of Heaven. The biographies of Cardinal Adam Easton note
that
he translated the entire Hebrew Bible, though it was stolen from him
except
for the Psalter by a Carmelite named Richard Collier. He had lectured
on
the Hebrew Scriptures at Oxford and he owned the writings of Rabbi
David
Kimhi./64
/64. Cambridge, St John's College, 218 (I.10),
Norwich Cathedral Priory shelfmark X.clxxxxij./
Kimhi countered Kabbalistic
learning
and Maimonides' scepticism, pleading for the return to philology in
studying
theology. He argued that 'Jerome, your
translator,
has corrupted the text by saying, 'The Lord said my Lord, '''Sit at my
right hand, and I will make your enemies my footstool,'
' in Psalm 101, literally, that it meant instead to be treated
honourably,
which is precisely what Julian says in her text. Kimhi also says this
reference
is just to an ordinary lord, not the Messiah, which both Easton and
Julian
ignore, for their reading is in our Creed.
There is yet another layer to
this
allegory. Julian tells us that the Lord is garbed in blue
seated
on the ground in a Wilderness. That is the Virgin's colour. In the
'1368'
Westminster Manuscript version Julian had Jesus become our Mother,
become
his Mother. Adam Easton at Avignon would have been familiar with the
fresco
painted by Simone Martini of the Virgin in Humility, where she is
seated
in blue on
the
ground, with the donor of that painting, the Cardinal Stefaneschi, in
his
scarlet
, kneeling in prayer before her. We recall Richard II the Lord and King
of England in cloth of gold kneeling on the ground in a wilderness in
the
Wilton Diptych. But there is more. Cardinal
Jerome
had written to the Roman noblewoman Fabiola
a treatise explaining the High Priest Aaron's garb in Exodus,
specifically
dwelling upon the hycinthine blue
of his ephod./65
/65. Hieronymus
ad Fabiolam de vestitu sacerdotum', 'compulisti me, fabiola, litteris
tuis,
ut de aaron tibi scriberem uestimentis', Opus Epistolarum diui
Hieronymi
Stridonensis, una cum scholiis Des. Erasmi Roterodami, denuo per illum
non vulgari rocognitum, correctum et locupletum(Parisiis:
Guillard, 1546), III.18v-21v./
Adam Easton won his Cardinalate
through
writing of that material on the Pope as Christendom's High Priest, as
Aaron,
using both Jerome and Pseudo-Dionysius, in his Defensorium
Ecclesiastice
Potestatis.
Cardinal Jerome
, a model for Cardinal Easton, had left Rome for Bethlehem
, being joined there by the noble Roman matron, Paula
, and her virgin daughter Eustochium,
in 386, and together they had worked at studying Hebrew, already having
Greek and Latin, and together they translated the Bible from Hebrew and
Greek into Latin, the Vulgate Bible which served Latin Christianity
until
Vatican II. Birgitta of Sweden
had a most beautiful married virgin daughter, Catherine of Sweden,
friends
with Catherine of Siena, Catherine of Sweden becoming the first Abbess
of the Brigittine Abbey of Vadstena in Sweden. A painting, now in
London's
National Gallery, but formerly at San Girolamo (Jerome), Fiesole, shows
Saints Jerome, Paula and her beautiful daughter, Eustochium,
simultaneously
portraying the last two also as Saints Birgitta and her beautiful
daughter,
Catherine of Sweden. Birgitta and her daughter Catherine and their
labours
at producing the Revelationes, were analogized to Paula and her
daughter Eustochium and their labours at producing the Vulgate. A
manuscript
now at Lambeth Palace and associated with Norwich, speaks of Paula and
' the holy maid Eustace',
or Eustochium./66
/66. Lambeth MS 432, 1350 Norwich miracle given
of a man who is almost throttled by the devil but who had a vision of a
book in which were written the words that whoever prayed to the Virgin
would be saved from peril; at his prayer the Virgin removes the devil's
paws from his mouth and nose, fol. 87, followed by Westminster miracle,
of a widow'sa