JULIAN
OF
NORWICH,
HER
SHOWING OF LOVE AND ITS CONTEXTS ∫©1997-2010
JULIA
BOLTON HOLLOWAY ||
JULIAN
OF NORWICH || SHOWING
OF LOVE || HER TEXTS
|| HER
SELF || ABOUT HER TEXTS ||
BEFORE
JULIAN || HER
CONTEMPORARIES || AFTER
JULIAN || JULIAN IN OUR TIME
|| ST
BIRGITTA
OF SWEDEN || BIBLE
AND WOMEN || EQUALLY
IN GOD'S IMAGE ||
MIRROR
OF SAINTS || BENEDICTINISM ||
THE
CLOISTER || ITS
SCRIPTORIUM || AMHERST
MANUSCRIPT ||
PRAYER ||
CATALOGUE
AND PORTFOLIO (HANDCRAFTS, BOOKS ) ||
BOOK
REVIEWS || BIBLIOGRAPHY
||
This essay
transcribes the actual manuscripts of Margery Kempe and Julian
of Norwich, rather than the editions made from these. This text is also an audio
book: http://www.umilta.net/soulcity.mp3
We suggest to the gentle reader/hearer the calling up of the
audio
file, then reducing it, and calling up again this file. The
essay is
based on the premise, not held by all Julian students,
that the Amherst Manuscript, as it itself declares, presents a
text
written in 1413 and under Arundel's censorship of women teaching
theology. It is dedicated to the memory of my paleography
professor, Jean Preston, who owned two Fra Angelico side panels
of the
San Marco altarpiece which present a pair of Dominican saints.
THE SOUL A CITY
MARGERY AND JULIAN

St Birgitta gives her
Revelations
to Christendom
Revelationes, Ghotan:
Lübeck,
1492
argery
Kempe
visited
Julian
of Norwich perhaps before 1413 and later reported their
conversations,
thus providing for us not only the early written texts we now
have, the
Amherst,
Westminster, Paris Texts, but also
an Oral Text, spoken just prior to the time that the 1413
exemplar to
the
Amherst Text was being written. Margery's Manuscript thus
allows us to
go back to fifteenth-century East Anglia with, as it were, a
tape-recorder or an IPod. For this reason we present this
essay in an
oral recording at soulcity.mp3
which can
be
read simultaneously with this text, giving the various Julian
and
Margery texts, on the screen.
Julian functioned in her community much like a psychiatrist,
healing
souls, that Greek word, in fact, meaning 'soul doctor'. For
the Middle
Ages theology was psychiatry, making use of
the Book of Job and of Boethius'
Consolation
of
Philosophy. Julian helps heal Margery's soul,
perhaps too
by
suggesting the therapy of the Jerusalem pilgrimage and the
writing of
the vast book of her travels, The
Book of Margery Kempe.
Both
the
Amherst
and
the
Butler-Bowden
Manuscripts,
of
Julian's
Showing
and Margery's Book, are now in the British Library. This
essay
transcribes
directly from the manuscript texts. The letter þ 'thorn' is the
Middle
English form for th,
the
letter 3, 'yoch', is g, y or gh, the median letter ∫ˆ« the scribal s. Contractions are spelled
out in
italics. The foliation of the manuscripts is cited,
preceded
by A for Amherst (the Julian Showing Manuscript in the
British
Library, Additional 37,790), W for Westminster (the Julian Showing
Manuscript owned by Westminster Cathedral and on loan to
Westminster
Abbey),
P for Paris (the Julian Showing Manuscript in the Paris,
Bibliothèque
Nationale, Anglais 40) which can all be retrieved from the
edition by
Sister Anna Maria Reynolds, C.P. and Julia Bolton Holloway,
published
by SISMEL, Florence, 2001), and M for The Book of Margery
Kempe
(the
Butler-Bowden Manuscript, now British Library, Additional
61,823,
discovered in 1934, and retrieved from the manuscript rather
than from
the edition by Sanford Brown Meech and Hope Emily Allen,
Oxford: Early English Text Society, 212, 1939, 1961).
Letters
and words rubricated here are so in the manuscripts.
Margery has her
scribes tell
us
(M, folio 21)
&
þan ʃche
was bodyn be
owyr
lord. for to gon to an
ankres in
þe ʃame Cyte which hyte Dame
Jelyan. & ʃo
ʃche dede
& ʃchewyd
hir þe
grace þat
god
put in hir ʃowle of
compunccyon
contricyon ʃwetnesse
&
devocyon
compaʃʃyon
with
holy meditacyon
& hy
contemplacyon.
& ful many
holy ʃpechys &
dalyawns. þat
owyr Lord ʃpak to hir ʃowle.
and many wondirful
reuelacyons
whech ʃche ʃchewyd to þe
ankres to wetyn yf
þer
were
any
deceyte in hem, for þe
ankres was expert
in ʃwech
thynges
& good cownʃel cowd
3euyn.
And then
she was told
by our Lord, to go to an anchoress in the same city
called Dame Julian.
And so she did and showed her the grace that God put
in her soul of
compunction, contrition, sweetness and devotion,
compassion with holy
meditation and high contemplation. And many holy
speeches and daliance
that our Lord spoke to her soul, and many wonderful
revelations which
she showed to the anchoress to know if there were
any deceit in the,
for the anchoress was expert in such things and
could give good counsel.
Julian's
1413/1450
Short
Text
concludes
with
an
essay
on
the 'Discerning of Spirits'. Indeed, if Julian of
Norwich
had been counseled by Cardinal Adam
Easton
of
Norwich Cathedral Priory, who knew Bishop Hermit Alfonso of
Jaén
and his Epistola Solitarii, and
who had
together with him defended Birgitta of
Sweden's
canonisation, the Norwich anchoress
certainly
would have been 'expert' in the discerning of such spiritual
matters
and
such revelatory showings, about which both the Cardinal and the
Hermit
Bishop had written. This was a matter, at this time when the
pros and
cons
were being debated concerning women's visionary writings, of the
greatest
topical concern.
Margery and
Julian's
conversation
continues
Þe
ankres,
heryng þe
meruelyows
goodnes of owyr
lord, hyly thankyd
god.
with
al
hir hert. for þys viʃytacyon
cown∫elyng
þis
creature
to
be
obedyent. to þe wyl of
owyr lord god &
fulfyllyn
with
al hir myghtys.
whateuer he put in
hir ʃowle
yf
it wer not ageyn þe wor
shep of god &
profyte of
hir
euyne criʃten, for yf it
were þan it were nowt þe
mevyng
of a good ʃpyryte but
raþer of an euyl
ʃpyrit.
The
anchoress, hearing
of the marvellous goodness of our Lord, highly
thanked God, with all
her heart for this visit, counselling this creature
to be obedient to
the will of our Lord God and to fulfill with all her
might whatever he
put in her soul, if it were not against the worship
of God and profit
of her even Christian. For if it were then it were
not the moving of a
good spirit but rather of an evil spirit.
Again,
we
hear
in
this
counsel
the
precepts
written
by Adam Easton
and
by Alfonso of Jaén (also by the Cloud
Author in his various Epistles), concerning the discerning
of
spirits
in connection with the validation of the visionary writings of Birgitta
of Sweden, whose 1391 Canonisation was to be confirmed at
the 1419
Council of Constance despite the 1415 objections of Jean Gerson,
Chancellor
of the University of Paris, contained in his work, De
probatione
spirituum.
That material had already been given in William Flete's Remedies
Against
Temptations. And William Flete had left England after
writing that
work to become an Augustine Hermit at Leccetto and associated
with St
Catherine of Siena. In the passage we also hear Julian's
own
beloved
phrase, 'euyne cristen', and we can clearly recognise the echoes
to the
concluding section concerning the 'Discernment of Spirits', in
the
Julian
corpus unique to the Amherst Short Text, A114v-115, and
which may
perhaps
be her last, and authorizing, words in the face of
Archbishop/Chancellor Arundel's
censorship
of Lollardy, particularly where women taught theology:
Alle dredes
othere
thann
reuerente dredes. that
er
proferde
to vs. þow3 thay comm
vndere the
coloure of halynes
thay
ere not ʃo
trewe. and hereby
may thaye
be knawenn and
diʃcerned.
whilke
is whilke. for this reuerente
dre=
de the mare it is hadde.
the
mare
it ʃoftes and comfortes & pleʃes
and reʃtes
and the falʃe
drede
it travayles and tempeʃtes & trubles
than is this the
remedye
to
knawe
thamm bath &
refuʃe 3e
fals.
righte as we walde do
a
wikkyd ʃpiritte that ʃchewed hym in liknes
of a goode Angelle. for
ryght
as
ane ille ʃpyrit thow3 he comm
vndere
the coloure and the
liknes
of
agoode
angelle his
daliaunce &
his wir=
kynge þow3
he ʃchewe
neuer ʃo
fayre fyrʃt he travayles & tempes &
trubles the perʃoun that
he ʃpekes
with and lettes hym and lefe3
hym alle in
unreʃte. And
the
mare
that he commone3
with hym the
mare he travayles hym.
and
the
farthere is he
fra pees.
þerfore it
is
goddes wille. and
oure ʃpede
that
we knawe thamm
thus y ʃundure
ffor god wille euer that
we be ʃekere in
luffe &
peeʃʃabille & ri3tefulle
as
he is to vs and ryght
ʃo
of the ʃame condicioun as he is to us ʃo
wille
he that we be to oure ʃelfe.
And
to oure.
Evencriʃtenn. Amen.
All dreads other
than reverent
dread that are proferred to us, though they come under
the clour of
holiness, are not so in truth, and hereby may they be
known and
discerned, which is which. For this reverent dread, the
more it is had
the more it softens and comforts and pleases and rests
the soul; and
the false dread travails and distresses and troubles it.
Then this is
the remedy; to know them both and reject the false
dread, just as we
would do with a wicked spirit that showed himself in the
likeness of a
good angel, though he show himself in his pleasing talk
and
working ever
so fair at first, yet he travails and distresses and
troubles
the person
that he speaks with, hinders him and leaves him
altogether in unrest.
And the more souls an evil spirit communes with the
sould the more he
travails him and the farther the soul is from peace.
Therefore it is
God-s will that we be secure in love and peaceful and
restful, as He is
to us. Just as he is to us, so wills He that we be to
ourselves, and to
our even Christian. Amen.
Julian
continues
in
her
conversation
with
Margery,
and
is
now reported in direct speech:
Þe holy
goʃt
meuyth neuyer a
þing
a-geyn charite
&, yf
he
dede
he were contraryows to hys
owyn ʃelf
for he is al
charite.
Al∫o he meuyth a ʃowle
to al
chaʃtenesse. for
chaʃt
leuars
be clepyd þe temple
of þe
holy goʃt .
&
þe
holy
goʃt
makyth
a ʃowle ʃtabyl &
ʃtedfast
in þe
rygth
feyth
& þe rygth beleue. And a dubbyl
man in ʃowle is euer
vnʃtabyl.
& vnʃtedfaʃt in
al hys weys. He
þat is
euermor
dowtyng. is lyke to þe
flood of
þe ʃee.
þe
wheche
is
mevyd & born a-bowte with
þe wynd,
&
þat man
is
not
lyche to receyuen þe 3yftys
of god. What
creature þat hath þes tokenys he
mu∫te
ʃtedfaʃtlych
belevyn þat
þe
holy goʃt dwellyth in
hys ʃowle. And
mech more whan
God
viʃyteth a
creature
wyth terys of contriʃyon
deuoʃyon
er compaʃʃyon. he may
& owyth to
leuyn
þat
þe
holy
goʃt is in hys ʃowle.
The Holy Ghost
never impels
a thing against charity. And if he did he were against
himself, for he
is all charity. Also he moves a soul to all chastity,
for chaste lovers
are called the temple of the Holy Ghost [1 Cor.
6.19]. And the
Holy Ghost makes a soul stable and steadfast in the
true faith and
right belief. And a man who is double in soul is
always unstable and
unsteadfast in his ways. He who is always doubting is
like the flood of
the sea, which is moved and born about by the wind,
and that man is not
likely to receive the gifts of God. Who has these
tokens must [M21v]
steadfastly believe that the Holy Ghost dwells in his
soul. And much
more when God visits a creature with tears of
contrition, devotion or
compassion, he may and ought to believe that the Holy
Ghost is in his
soul.
That
image
of
the
storm-tossed
sea
reflects
that
in
the Cloud
Author's A Pistle of Discretion of Stirings (EETS
231:64.7-23).
Julian next is
reported as
citing her
authorities,
Paul and Jerome, to Margery,
who
perhaps
misremembers one of them:
Seynt Powyl
ʃeyth
þat þe
Holy
Goʃst Aʃkyth for vs with
morningges &
wepynges
vnʃpekable. þat is to ʃeyn he
makyth vs to
aʃkyn &
preyn
with mornyngges
& wepynges
ʃo
plentyvowʃly. þat
þe
terys
may not be nowmeryd. Ther
may non euyl ʃpyrit
3euyn þes
tokenys, for
Sanctum Jerom ʃeyth
þat terys turmentyn
more the
Debylle þan
don
the
peynes
of Helle.
St Paul says that
the Holy
Ghost implores us with unspeakable mourning and
weeping. That is to say
he makes us to ask and pray with such plenteous
mourning and weeping
that the tears may not be counted [Romans 8.26]. There
may be no evil
spirit given these tokens, for St Jerome says that
tears torment the
devil more than do the pains of hell.
The
only
possible
corresponding
passage
in
Jerome's
writings
occurs
in the heavily philosophical and
theological
Epistula 84, Ad Pammachium et Oceanum, 'Iungamus
gemitus, lacrimas copulemus, ploremus et conuertamur ad
dominum, qui
fecit
nos; non expectemus diaboli paenitentiam. Vana est illa
praesumptio et
in profundum gehennae trahens; hic aut quaritur uita aut
amittitur'.(1)
Perhaps
Margery here misremembers and Julian was rather speaking of
Augustine's
account of Monica's tears, Confessions 3.12, recalled
also by
Birgitta's
vision in the Holy Sepulchre concerning the fate of her son,
Charles.(2)
Julian next
discusses
evil:
god &
þe
deuyl ben
euermor
contraryows & thei xal
neuer dwellyn togedyr
in
on
place.
& þe devyl hath
no powyr in a
mannys ʃowle. Holy
wryt ʃeyth þat
þe ʃowle
of a rytful man is
the ʃete/seet
of God. & ʃo I truʃt,
ʃyʃter, þat 3e
ben.
God and the devil
are always
contrary and they shall never dwell together in one
place. And the
devil has no power in a man∫€™s soul. Holy Scriptures
say that
the soul
of a rightful man is the seat of God. And so I trust,
sister, that you
are.
There is a parallel in
Julian/Margery's
wording here to the commentaries upon the Psalms Qui habitat
and
Bonum
est, attributed to Walter
Hilton
and both present in the Westminster
Cathedral
Julian Manuscript. Has Julian intended not '
city' but 'seat
' in W101v, P116 and 144-145, A112, or has Margery misheard the
word?
But
perhaps Julian deliberately plays upon the likeness of the two
words.
She
may be using the concept expressed throughout Luke 14 where
guests need
to exercise humility to enter the Kingdom of God, a kingdom that
is
within
us.
Apart from the Hilton and
Julian
texts in the Westminster Manuscript, making this same point
are other
texts
associated with Julian: Norwich
Castle Manuscript, fol. 78v: . . .
iusti sedes est sapiencie.
ffor as ʃeith holy write the ʃoule of the ry3tful man or
womman is the
ʃee & dwelling of endeles wiʃdom that is goddis ʃone
ʃwete ihe If
we
been beʃy & doon our deuer to fulfille the wil of god
& his
pleaʃaunce
thanne loue we hym wit al our my3te; and likewise
John
Whiterig, Contemplating the
Crucifixion; from
Anima
iusti sedes est sapiencie: Proverbs
10.25b;
cited, Gregory , Hom.
XXXVIII
in
Evang. PL 76, 1282.
With
that
last
comment,
'& ʃo I truʃt, ʃyʃter, þat 3e ben', we
realise that we certainly are listening to reported speech and
that
Dame
Julian addressed Dame Margery, her 'evyn cristen', even as
'Sister'.
The
discussion of evil reminds one more of William Flete's Remedies
Against
Temptations than it does of Julian's 'sin as nought'.
Interestingly,
this phrasing concerning the soul as a city is closer to that
of the
Sixteenth
Showing in the 1393/1580 Paris Manuscript, P143v-145v, and the
1413/1450s
Amherst Manuscript, A112, which both give vestiges of the Lord
and the
Servant Parable, with their echoes from
Angela of
Foligno and Catherine of Siena, than it is to
the
earlier version, the Fourteenth
Showing,
present in the Westminster, W101-102v, and Paris, P116-119,
Manuscripts.
ot than lefte I Stylle
wakande
and
than owre lorde opene=
dde my
gaʃtely eyenn
& ʃchewyd
me my ʃaule in myddys
of my herte. I
ʃawe my
ʃaule ʃwa
large as it ware a kyngdome
And be the
condicions
that I ʃawe
therin. me thought it was awir=
ʃchipfulle
Cite. In
myddys of
this
Cite Sittes oure lorde Jhesu
verraye god &
verray
mann
a
fayre perʃoune and of large
ʃtature wyr=
ʃchipfulle.
hieʃt
lorde.
And
I
ʃawe
hym
cledde Solemplye in wyr=
ʃchippes.
he ʃittes in
the ʃaule
euenn ryght in
pees &
reʃte. And he
rewles & 3eme3
heuenn
&
erthe. and alle
that is. the
manhede with
the godhede
ʃittis in
reʃte.
And
the godhede rewles & 3emes with
owtynn any inʃtrumente
or
beʃynes.
And my ʃaule bliʃfullye occu=
pyed with the
godhede.
that
is
Sufferaynn
myght. Sufferayne.
Wisdomme Sufferayne
goodneʃʃe.
The place that Jhesu
takes in
oure
ʃaule. he ʃschalle
neuer
remove
it with owtynn
ende. for in vs
is his
haymelyeʃte hame.
&
maʃte lykynge to hym to dwelle in
this was
adelectabille
ʃyght.
&
a reʃtefulle. for it is ʃo in trowth
with owtenn ende. And
the
behaldynge
of this whiles we ere
here es fulle
pleʃaunde
to
god
and fulle grete ʃpede to vs. And
the ʃaule
that thus
behaldys
it:
makys it lyke to hym that is
behaldene and anes
in
re∫te
&
in pees and this was aʃingulere
ioye & Ablis to
me.
that
I ʃawe hym ʃitte for the behaldynge
of this
ʃittynge.
ʃchewed to
me ʃikernes of his endele∫∫e
dwelly=
nge.
But then I
remained still,
awake; and then our Lord opened my ghostly eyes and
showed me my soul
in the midst of my heart. I saw my soul as large as if
it were a
kingdom, and from what I saw therein, methought it was
a worshipful
City. In the midst of this City is seated our Lord,
true God and true
man∫€“beautiful in person and tall of stature∫€“the
worshipful highest
Lord; and I saw him in majesty covered with glory. He
sits in the very
centre of the soul, in peace and rest, and rules and
cares for heaven
and earth and all that is. The Manhood, with the
Godhead, sits in rest,
and the Godhead rules and directs without any
isntrument or busyness;
and my soul is blessedfully possessed by the Godhead
that is Sovereign
Might, Sovereign Wisdom, Sovereign Goodness. The place
that Jesus takes
in our soul he shall never leave, without end; for in
us is his
lomeliest home and most pleasing to him to dwell in.
This was a
delectable sight, and a restul one, since it is so in
truth without
end. And the beholding of this while we are here is
full pleasing to
God and full great profit to us: the soul that thus
beholds, this sight
makes like to him who is beheld and ones it in rest
and in peace. And
this was a singular joy and a bliss to me, that I saw
him sit, for the
beholding of this sitting showed to me sureness of his
endless dwelling.
Julian's
'Sovereign
Might,
Sovereign
Wisdom,
Sovereign
Goodness'
as
the Trinity is discussed in
'Julian and Judaism'. This
can be
compared to the
1368/1500s
Westminster
Manuscript's more subtle account concerning Julian's
vision of the
Kingdom of Heaven, the City of God, within one's own soul,
W101-102v:
God is nerer
to
vs. þan owre
owne
ʃoule. for he is
grounde
in whom oure
ʃoule
ʃtondyth.
and he is mene
þat
kepith þe
ʃubʃtance
&
the
ʃenʃualyte
toge=
der, ʃo
that it shall
neuer
depart.
for oure
ʃoule ʃyttith
in
god.
in
verey
reʃte. and oure
ʃoule ʃtan=
dith in god in
ʃure
ʃtrength.
&
oure ʃoule
is kyndely
rooted
in
god. in
endeleʃʃe loue.
& þerfore
yf we wyll haue
knowynge
of oure
ʃoule. &
communynge
& da=
God
is nearer to us than our own soul, for he is the ground
in whom our
soul
stands, and he is the means that keeps the substance and
the sensuality
together so that it shall never depart. For our soul
sits in God, in
true rest, and our soul stands in God in sure strength,
and our soul is
naturally rooted in God in endless love. And therefore
if we will have
knowing of our soul, and communing and daliance
liance
þer
with:
It
behouyth
to ʃeke
into oure lord
god in
whom it is
encloʃyd. And
an=
nentis oure
ʃubʃtance it
may
ryghtfully be
called our
ʃoule.
and anentis our
ʃenʃualite it
may ryghtfull be
called
our
ʃoule. and
þat is
by þe
onyng
þat it
hath in
god.
That wur=
ʃhypfull
cite þat our
lord
ihesu
ʃyttith
in. it is our
ʃenʃualite.
in whiche he is
encloʃed. and
our kyndely
subʃtance is
beclo=
ʃyd in ihesu criʃte.
with þe
bleʃʃed
ʃoule of
criʃte ʃyttyng
in
reʃte
in þe
godhed. And
I ʃawe ful
ʃurely
þat it
behouyth
nedis
dalliance
therewith, it is right to seek into our lord God in
whom it is
enclosed. And then our substance may rightfully be
called our soul, and
then our sensuality may rightfully be called our
soul, and that is by
the oneing that is in God. This worshipful city that
our Lord Jesus
sits in, it is our sensuality, in which he is
enclosed, and our natural
substance is beclosed in Jesus Christ, with the
blessed soul of Christ,
sitting in rest in the Godhead. And I saw full
surely that it is needful
þat we ʃhall be in
longynge
and in penance. into
þe
tyme
þat we be
led ʃo depe in
to god
þat we
may verely
&
truely
know oure owne
ʃoule. And
ʃothly I
ʃaw þat
in to
thys
high depenes oure
lorde
hym
ʃelfe
ledith vs in
þe ʃame
loue
þat he
made vs.
and in þe
ʃame
loue þat
he bought
vs.
bi his
mercy & grace
þrough
vertue
of his bleʃʃed
paʃʃion.
And
not withʃtondyng
all
þis
we
may neuer comme to the
full
knowyng of god.
tyll we
firʃt
know clerely oure
owne
ʃoule.
ffor into
þe tyme
þat
it be
in
the
that
we shall be in longing and in penance, until the
time that we be led so
deep in to God that we may verily and truly know our
own soul. And
truly I saw that into the great deepeness our Lord
himself leads us in
the same love that he made us, and in the same love
that he bought us,
by his mercy and grace through virtue of his blessed
Passion. And
notwithstanding all this we may never come to the
full knowing of God,
until we first know clearly our own soul. For until
the time that it be
in the
ffull myghtis
we
may not be
all full holy.
and
þat
is þat
oure
ʃenʃualite.
by
þe
vertue
of
criʃtis
paʃʃion
be
brought
up
into
þe
ʃubʃtance
with
all the
profitis
of
oure tribulacion
þat
oure
lorde
ʃhall make
vs to gete by
mercy
& grace.
full strength we may
not be all fully
holy. And that is that our sensuality by the virtue
of Christ∫€™s
Passion
be brought up into the substance with all the
profits of our
tribulation that our Lord shall make us to get by
mercy and grace.
The Paris Manuscript gives first
the
Westminster
Manuscript version
as part of
the Fourteenth Showing, greatly
expanding
it, while noting that it is to be spoken of again later in the
Sixteenth
Showing, P116-119. In that Sixteenth Showing it is given just
as in
the
Amherst Manuscript, where it appears to be in the form of
Julian's
consolatory
sermon for those who would have felt lost and bewildered by
the
subtlety
of the earlier, far more precocious account, P144-145.
W101v-102v and
P116-119 are now excised from the text. But elements of it can
be
traced
elsewhere in Julian's words to Margery, especially where they
all speak
of 'communynge
&
da=liance
therwith',
W101-101v, 'comenyng
and
dalyance
ther
with', P118v.5-6,
(though in Amherst these words, 'daliaunce'.
'commones',
sadly occur only in connection with the evil spirit and the
soul,
A114v.31-115.1),
and Margery's use of these same words for her soul talk with
Julian:
'the
holy dalyawns that the ankres & this creature haddyn be
comownyng
in
the lofe of owyr lord Jhesu crist'.
Of
interest,
too,
is
that
the
Amherst
Manuscript
contains
not only Julian's Showing of Love but also Jan
van
Ruusbroec's Sparkling Stone, translated into
Middle
English.
Both Julian's Sixteenth Showing, P146, and the Sparkling
Stone
make
use of Revelation 2.17. The Amherst Manuscript, A118, gives
the text
from
Ruusbroec's Sparkling Stone discussing the Apocalypse
of St
John
as the 'Book of the Secrets of God' addressed 'To
him that overcometh',
in
which 'the ʃpirit ʃays in the Apocalyps
vincenti ʃays he ʃchalle gyffe hym a lytil white ʃtone
and in it a
newe name the whiche no man knowes but he that takys it'
. This is material Julian well could have shared with Margery.
Julian continues:
I
prey god grawnt 3ow perʃeuerawns.
Settyth
al
3ore truʃt
in god. &
feryth not
þe
langage
of þe world. for þe
more
deʃpyte
ʃchame &
repref þat
3e
haue in
þe world þe more is
3owr meryte in
þe
ʃygth
of
god. Pacyens
is
neceʃʃary
vn
to 3ow. for in
þat
ʃchal 3e
kepyn
yore ʃowle'.
I pray that God
give you
perseverance. Set all your trust in God and do not
fear the language of
the world. For the more despite, shame and reproach
that you have in
the
world, the more is your merit in the sight f God.
Patience is necessary
for you, for in that you shall keep your soul.
Margery
then
ends
her
account
by
saying:
Mych was þe
holy
dalyawns þat the ankres
& þis
creature
haddyn be
comownyng in þe lofe of
owyr
lord
Jheʃu criʃt many
days þat þei were
togedyr.
Much was the holy
dalliance
that the anchoress and this creature had in sharing
the love of our
Lord Jesus Christ the many days that they were
together.
John Milton and George Eliot have
spoken
of books as souls and cities as souls, George Eliot in Middlemarch
IX giving us:
1st
Gent.
An
ancient
land
in
ancient
oracles
Is
called
"law-thirsty:"
all
the
struggle
there
Was
after
order
and
a
perfect
rule.
Pray,
where
lie
such
lands
now?
.
.
2nd Gent. Why, where they lay
of
old - in human souls.
Julian and Margery inscribe
within
the pages of their books their souls and their cities,
black-clad
Julian
in her anchorhold in Norwich inscribing within that small
space all the
cosmos and its Creator while Margery
in her
white
pilgrim robes trudges to Jerusalem
and
back.
Appendix
Julian was readied for printing
by Brigittine nuns but it was too
dangerous to
publish
her under Henry VIII or Elizabeth I. (Her text was finally printed
by
Serenus Cressy in 1670, having been readied for printing by
English
Benedictine nuns in exile). Margery Kempe, however, was published.
The
Cell
of
Self
Knowledge published by Henry Pepwell in 1521 was
re-published
by Edmund G. Gardner,3 who notes that

'She
has
come down to us only in a tiny quarto of eight pages printed
by Wynkyn
de Worde:
"Here
begynneth a ʃhorte treatyʃe of
contemplacyon
taught by our lorde Jhesu cryʃte, or taken out of the boke of
Margerie
kempe of Lynn."
And at
the end:
"Here
endeth a
ʃhorte treatyʃe called Margerie
kempe de Lynn. Enprynted in Fleteʃtrete by Wynkyn de worde."
Gardner goes on to say:
The
only known copy is preserved
in the
University of Cambridge. It
is undated, but appears to have been printed in 1501. With a
few
insignificant
variations, it is the same as was printed twenty years later
by
Pepwell,
who merely inserts a few words like "Our Lord Jesus said unto
her," or
"she said," and adds that she was a devout ancress. Tanner,
not very
accurately,
writes: "This book contains various discourses of Christ (as
it is
pretended)
to certain holy women; and, written in the style of modern
Quietists
and
Quakers, speaks of the inner love of God, of perfection, et
cetera." No
manuscript of the work is known to exist, and absolutely no
traces can
be discovered of the "Book of Margery Kempe," out of which it
is
implied
by the Printer that these beautiful thoughts and sayings are
taken.
There is
nothing in the treatise itself to
enable us to fix its date. It is, perhaps, possible that the
writer or
recipient of these revelations is the "Margeria filia Johannis
Kempe,"
who, between 1284 and 1298, gave up to the prior and convent
of Christ
Church, Canterbury, all her rights in a piece of land with
buildings
and
appurtenances, "which falls to me after the decease of my
brother John,
and lies in the parish of Blessed Mary of Northgate outside
the walls
of
the city of Canterbury." The revelations show that she was (or
had
been)
a woman of some wealth and social position, who had abandoned
the world
to become an ancress, following the life prescribed in that
gem of
early
English devotional literature, the Ancren Riwle. It is clearly
only
a fragment of her complete book (whatever that may have been);
but it
is
enough to show that she was a worthy precursor of that other
great
woman
mystic of East Anglia: Juliana of Norwich. For Margery, as for
Juliana,
Love is the interpretation of revelation, and the key to the
universal
mystery:
"Daughter, thou mayʃt no better please God,
than to think continually in His love."
"If thou
wear the habergeon or the hair,
faʃting
bread and water, and if thou ʃaidest every day a thouʃand
Pater
Noʃters,
thou ʃhalt not pleaʃe Me ʃo well as thou doʃt when thou art
in ʃilence,
and ʃuffreʃt Me to ʃpeak in thy ʃoul."
"Daughter, if thou knew how ʃweet thy love
is to Me, thou wouldeʃt never do other thing but love Me
with all thine
heart."
"In
nothing that thou doʃt or ʃayeʃt,
daughter,
thou mayʃt no better pleaʃe God than believe that He loveth
thee. For,
if it were poʃʃible that I might weep with thee, I would
weep with thee
for the compaʃʃion that I have of thee."
And,
from the midst of her celestial
contemplations,
rises up the simple, poignant cry of human suffering:
"Lord, for Thy
great
pain have mercy on my little pain."
Until Hope
Emily Allen identifed
the Butler-Bowden manuscript in 1934 this was all that was
known of The Book of
Margery Kempe.
She next edited
it for the
Early English Text Society, which has yet to edit the text
of Julian of
Norwich.
Notes
1
CETEDOC CLCLT,
Université
de Louvain, CD
2
Saint
Bride and Her Book: Birgitta of Sweden's Revelations, trans. Julia
Bolton Holloway, pp. 113-119.
3

The
Definitive
Edition and Translation of the Extant Julian of Norwich Showing
of
Love
Manuscripts:
To
see the text inside click here
Julian
of
Norwich, Showing
of
Love: Extant Texts and Translation, ed. Sister Anna Maria
Reynolds,
C.P. and Julia Bolton Holloway (linen bound volume of 848 pages,
with
18
plates of the manuscripts in full colour, ISBN 88-8450-095-8)
from
University
of Florence, SISMEL
Edizioni del
Galluzzo
(Their price is €191,09 [subject to change], and postage
is
€36.46 air mail, €21.38 surface to America), or directly from
Julia
Bolton Holloway [price is negotiable]. The first edition
is
printed
in 1670 copies. Reviewed in Sapienza, Medium Aevum, Speculum,
etc.
Sister
Anna Maria Reynolds C.P. is the greatest editor Julian ever
had. During
the war years she was transcribing the extant microfilms with
a
microscope, a word at a time, for her Leeds University MA and
Ph.D.
theses. Subsequent editions are based on her meticulous work.
Now in
her nineties, blind, frail, she has created a fine CD in which
she
discusses Julian with total recall of the text. It can be
obtained for
12 euro from her at Cross and Passion Convent, 22 Griffith
Avenue,
Marino, Dublin 9, EIRE.
JULIAN
OF NORWICH, HER SHOWING OF LOVE AND ITS CONTEXTS
∫©1997-2010
JULIA BOLTON HOLLOWAY ||
JULIAN
OF NORWICH || SHOWING
OF LOVE || HER TEXTS
|| HER
SELF || ABOUT HER TEXTS
|| BEFORE
JULIAN || HER
CONTEMPORARIES || AFTER
JULIAN || JULIAN IN OUR TIME
|| ST
BIRGITTA OF SWEDEN ||
BIBLE
AND WOMEN || EQUALLY
IN GOD'S IMAGE ||
MIRROR
OF SAINTS || BENEDICTINISM ||
THE
CLOISTER || ITS
SCRIPTORIUM || AMHERST
MANUSCRIPT ||
PRAYER
||
CATALOGUE
AND PORTFOLIO (HANDCRAFTS, BOOKS ) ||
BOOK
REVIEWS || BIBLIOGRAPHY
||
External Links:
http://www.lib.rochester.edu/camelot/teams/kempint.htm
http://www.holycross.edu/departments/visarts/projects/kempe/
http://www.cdbagshaw.btinternet.co.uk/dana.htm
http://julianofnorwich.com/
http://www.luminarium.org/medlit/margery.htm
